On April 27, members of the Pelican-Schott chapter of SABR and two Negro Leagues families gathered at Tulane University‘s Turchin Stadium for a “Salute to the Negro Leagues” event at the Green Wave‘s game against UT-San Antonio. The stars of the evening were Rodney Page, son of New Orleans Black baseball impresario Allen Page, and Carlis Wright Robinson, daughter of legendary pitcher and NOLA native Johnny Wright.
The pair brought members of their families to share in the festivities, which included SABR members staffing a table of posters, books, articles, baseball cards and Cracker Jack; Carlis and Rodney throwing out the first pitches after meeting the Green Wave coaches; a special short video by SABR especially made for the event; and information graphics and biographical information about many Negro Leagues legends from New Orleans and the rest of southeastern Louisiana.
Here are a bunch of pictures from the wonderful evening, courtesy of several folks, including Carlis, Pelican-Schott chapter president Richard Cuicchi, WWL-TV and me. Enjoy!
One of the posters designed for the evening.
Carlis and Richard
The two families on Greer Field.
Rodney and Carlis winding up with the first pitches.
Editor’s note: Today’s post is a guest article by my friend and Negro Leagues research colleague, Alex Painter. It’s an excellent essay about the inimitable multi-sport star Jack Hannibal, and Alex’s search to find Hannibal’s grave and the resulting effort toward placing a marker on the athletic great’s final resting place.
Alex Painter with his wife, Alicia
By Alex Painter
Guest Author
In January 2022 – on Martin Luther King Jr. Day, to be exact – I took the one willing child (Eleanor, aged six at the time) to Crown Hill Cemetery to visit the final resting places of Black baseball players. The pre-Negro National LeagueIndianapolis ABCs – that is, the club as it existed before 1920 – have long held a particular fascination for me. I had come in search of a few ABCs who had also suited up for the 1918 Richmond (IN) Giants, a team I had, by sheer happenstance, “discovered” back in 2019, who played in what is now my home city.
Let me tell you, Crown Hill, situated on the north side of Indianapolis, is an adventure in its own right. At 555 acres, it is the third-largest nongovernmental cemetery in the United States. It stretches across 25 miles of paved roads and holds more than 225,000 burial sites, a number that grows by the day. It’s just enormous. John Dillinger is buried there. Benjamin Harrison, too. James Whitcomb Riley as well. And, scattered among them, a number of Black baseball players.
There were three in particular I was intent on finding: Richmond Giants first baseman George Board, infielder Otis “Cat” Francis, and outfielder Porter Lee Floyd, better known professionally as Jack Hannibal. All three played for both the Giants and early iterations of the ABCs. After wandering more than I’ll dignify with a precise timeline, I discovered all three were buried in unmarked plots. Not entirely surprising but a little disappointing all the same. We also found that two other non-Giant early ABCs (William Prim and Fred Hutchinson) were unmarked as well.
Because of the cold, Eleanor was eventually exiled to the car with The Wizard of Oz on one of those portable DVD players. The temperature hovered in the low 20s, but the wind made a mockery of it – cutting straight through your damn bones. I felt bad toting her along on such a shitty day, though she handled it like a pro, splitting her time between Dorothy and scanning headstones for names. We had a mission, after all, and El knew it.
After we located the plots, we left inscribed baseballs marked with each player’s name, nickname, and birth and death years. I had a brief thought of a lawnmower catching one and sending it hurtling toward a nearby house. I felt a little bad about that too, though not all that much, if I’m being honest, unlikely as that scenario was. In the end, like any taphophile, I found myself wondering how long it had been since anyone had come looking for these guys.
Shortly after, I zipped off a “cold” email to Jeremy Krock of the Negro Leagues Baseball Grave Marker Project (NLGMP). The NLGMP’s mission is “to provide proper grave markers for players of the Negro Leagues to honor their contributions to history and the game of baseball.” The ballplayers needed headstones, so, yeah, it felt like a natural pairing.
Jeremy and I bantered back and forth. He appreciated the Crown Hill intel, which, honestly, felt pretty good. Freezing our asses off? Totally worth it. Then life happened, job change, the usual, and we lost touch for a couple of years. We reconnected in early 2025 about the project, and he mentioned Jack Hannibal was at the top of the NLBGMP list. The iron was still hot. We picked things back up in February 2026. This time, it was happening. The order has been placed and we are expecting an installment of it this summer! We are hopeful to have a small dedication ceremony.
Whoops. I jumped the shark a bit. So, undoubtedly, Jack Hannibal was the one we had gone to the cemetery to see (and when I originally wrote Jeremy, I led with Jack). I had spent a fair amount of time digging into his story the year before, and the more I read, the more interested I became. A classic case. Hannibal, aside from being a gifted outfielder, a strong hitter at the plate, and an occasional pitcher, was only just getting started there. He also starred on the gridiron under the tutelage of one of the greatest linemen in University of Notre Damefootball history to that point.
He was also one of Indianapolis’ most prolific figures in the boxing scene for decades. One of his ring nicknames, “The Fighting Poor Boy,” just kind of struck me as absolutely badass. Despite his life in the “noble art of pugilism,” Jack was quiet. Kind. A mentor. Someone who was good to people and loved his city. Now it is time his city remembers him.
***
Let’s start at the beginning. Hannibal was born Porter Lee Floyd in Campbellsville, Ky., on March 20, 1891, to Ruben Floyd and the former Sarah Shively. As he was referred to as “Jack Hannibal” during his lifetime, I will do the same here. His family later moved the roughly 200 miles north to Indianapolis while Porter was still a youngster. Like millions of other Black families at the time, they likely made the move in search of better-paying jobs and a measure of economic stability often out of reach in the rural South.
Ruben passed away sometime before Porter’s 20th birthday, leaving him to assume the role of head of the household at a young age. Before that, Jack had already made a name for himself as a multi-sport athlete at Shortridge High School in Indianapolis.
Let’s start with boxing. Listen, I know we are big baseball fans, but boxing was Jack’s most prolific sport.
According to his obituary, Hannibal would ultimately spar 100 times in the ring, allegedly losing only five matches. In a twist of delicious serendipity, the first recorded fight in which a “Jack Hannibal” appears on the card – a six-round preliminary bout on Dec. 4, 1911, against fellow local welterweight Kid Watkins – also happened to be the debut fight of Roy Charleston, the older brother of Negro Leagues luminary Oscar Charleston.
For what it’s worth, Hannibal easily defeated Watkins, and Charleston made a “great showing in the no-decision” against Ash, according to the Dec. 5, 1911, issue of the Indianapolis Star.
Not for nothing – Charleston, Hannibal, and longtime Negro Leagues pitcher Bill Holland all spent time living on Yandes Street in Indianapolis.
Anyway, by 1913, Hannibal was crowned the middleweight champion of Indianapolis – even getting his picture printed in the Jan. 4, 1913, issue of the Indianapolis Recorder to celebrate the triumph (below).
His boxing career lasted into 1930 (his obituary later listed 1928, but his final fight appears to have come in October 1930). None loomed larger than his Aug. 29, 1921, bout with Jack Blackburn in Muncie, Ind. Blackburn, a near-constant contender across multiple weight classes, was a nationally known fighter with a career spanning more than two decades.
For Hannibal, it was a tough draw. He reportedly took the fight to Blackburn through the first two rounds, but a crushing right hand to the jaw in the third sent him to the mat for the night, and Blackburn was declared the victor.
Blackburn would later gain even greater renown as the trainer of Joe Louis, the “Brown Bomber,” from 1934 until Blackburn’s death in 1942. In 1938, an estimated 100 million people tuned in via radio to hear Louis dismantle the German Max Schmeling – a fight with heavy racial and ethnic implications.
Hannibal trained young boxers and officiated matches up until his death. Not for nothing, one of his stablemates throughout the 1910s and 1920s was Jack ‘The Hoosier Bearcat’ Dillon, a former World Light Heavyweight Champion.
************
Now, football. In addition to boxing, Hannibal also starred on the gridiron, most notably as a guard and right tackle for the Indianapolis-based semipro J.J.C. team, which was owned by Indianapolis sportsman Joe J. Canning. The club captured independent state championships in both 1925 and 1926.
The team was coached by Al Feeney, who played center alongside the famed Knute Rockne at the University of Notre Dame from 1910 to 1913. College football historians may recall that it was the 1913 Notre Dame team that helped revolutionize the forward pass, then a seldom-used tactic. Feeney snapped the ball to quarterback Gus Dorais, who lofted it to receivers Rockne and others.
Feeney also coached Negro Leaguer Connie Day during his high school football days at Greenfield High School in Greenfield, and later became Indianapolis’s first Catholic mayor, serving from 1948 until his death in 1950.
The J.J.C. team was clearly talented and well-coached. But just how good was Hannibal? Apparently talented enough to be the only man of color on the championship team (pictured fourth from right below). His obituary confirmed that he was indeed “the only Negro player” on the team.
So, in the midst of everything else, Jack was also a fantastic baseball player.
A fleet-footed outfielder who could spray the ball to all parts of the yard, he appears to have broken in with the all-Black Indianapolis ABCs in 1913, then owned by white bail bondsmanThomas Bowser. He bounced the next year to the Louisville White Sox, owned by Hall of Fame player, executive and Negro National League founder Rube Foster. Then, 1915 was spent with the French Lick Plutos. By 1916, he was suiting up once more for Bowser’s ABCs.
By the outbreak of World War I, Jack and his wife Hazel had four children. In addition to bringing in money from baseball and boxing, he also worked at an Indianapolis bottling factory. Jack and Hazel would ultimately have nine children.
In 1918, he suited up for the aforementioned Richmond Giants of Richmond, Ind. Though he mostly played right field, he also twirled seven scoreless innings in a 6–0 win over the Piqua (OH) Coca-Colas on Aug. 25.
On Labor Day weekend that year, Hannibal played a doubleheader with the Giants in the afternoon, then participated in a boxing exhibition in Richmond that evening. The Giants won one and tied the other (a notable day, as pitcher Bill Holland made his debut as a teenager), and, of course, Hannibal won his boxing match. Quite a day, indeed.
To further underscore his baseball career, particularly against top competition, Seamheads – of course the premier Negro Leagues database – credits him with a .435 batting average (30-for-69) in games against qualified opponents, meaning some of the best competition he would have faced.
It is, admittedly, a small sample size. Still, no player in the database with at least 60 at-bats has recorded a higher average than Hannibal’s .435 mark. Zero. Who would have thought?
After his playing career ended, Jack transitioned seamlessly into managing, training and mentoring. He took a job as a janitor but remained deeply involved in sports, training fighters and organizing and coaching baseball teams. His managerial stops included the Indianapolis Cubs (1931), the Lincoln Highways (1932), the Indianapolis ABCs (1935), and the Richmond Lincoln Giants (1940).
He also etched out quite a reputation as an umpire. During a 1937 Negro American League game between the Indianapolis Athletics (managed by Ted Strong) and the St. Louis Stars (managed by Dizzy Dismukes), Jack was tabbed as umpire. The Indianapolis Recorder shared that “Jack Hannibal, an old familiar figure in the sports world, has proven himself an umpire equal to any of any race.”
On Aug. 20, 1948, tragedy struck the Hannibal family when Jack’s 25-year-old daughter Helen was tragically murdered by her husband. She left behind two children, ages three and 20 months old.
Just one year after his daughter’s death, Jack Hannibal died of a heart attack on Aug. 24, 1949. He was just 58 years old.
Six years after his death, Hannibal (and his son Leo, who also suited up in Black baseball and basketball) were selected to the all-Indianapolis Black baseball second team in a poll held by Indianapolis Recorder sportswriter Tiny Baldwin – himself a mainstay on the city’s diamonds. Jack was selected as a manager and Leo as a pitcher. Baldwin, in the Aug. 20, 1955, issue, fondly remembered Hannibal:
“Jack Hannibal was a quiet man, who always managed to talk at the right time, and only the right time. Jack put each player on a high pedestal and made him feel he was on top of the world, and that way gave the players that little extra something which made each give his everything every time he strode onto the diamond. His famous words were: ‘Every time I get out of Indianapolis, I like Indianapolis that much more.’”
And now, Indianapolis can remember him just the same.
Alex Painter is a writer, researcher and podcaster based in Richmond, Ind. Born and raised in Fort Wayne, he has called Richmond home for more than 15 years. He studied American history and politics at Earlham College and later earned a master’s degree in management and leadership.
Painter is passionate about the art of storytelling, particularly exploring the intersection of baseball and broader social movements in American history. His work often places the game within defining historical moments, using sports as a lens to better understand culture, community and change. He is the author of four books, including a local history of Richmond told through the rich legacy of Negro Leagues baseball in the city.
Among his proudest discoveries is uncovering the story of the 1918 Richmond Giants, the team for which Jack Hannibal once suited up. Inspired by that history, Painter has spent the past four years coaching a local little league team named the Richmond Giants — carrying the legacy forward for a new generation.
Author Chris Jensen with a poster showing his new book.
Editors note: My friend and colleague, Chris Jensen, recently had published his comprehensive and moving new book, Tragedy in Black Baseball: Early Deaths of 136 Negro Leaguers, 1871-1950, through McFarland Publishing. I highly recommend checking it out; it’s extremely engrossing, empathetic and a little saddening, and it shines lights on dozens of noble, hard-working, talented people whose deaths, like many of their lives, have been overlooked, obscured or even erased from previous history books. The following is a lightly edited, email interview I recently conducted with Chris about his book and the process of researching and writing it.
RW: What was the genesis of this book? Why did you decide to write about this subject?
CJ: During the five years I spent researching and writing my first book, Baseball Stateby State (which came out in 2012), I kept coming across Negro Leaguers who died too young under tragic circumstances. I tend to get interested and then obsessed when I see patterns. Each time I encountered another tragic death I would copy the material into a Word document, building up a nice folder of intriguing information.
With basic details fleshed out for about 40 player deaths, I realized I had enough material to turn into a book project. Dave Wyatt’s “Death in the Game” article in the Feb. 24, 1917, edition of the Indianapolis Freeman listing 38 Black players who had died in the previous decade was a puzzle that begged to be tackled. I tried to identify who these 38 players were and what happened to them.
I was only able to flesh out the details for 20 of the players Wyatt mentioned – 15 of them made it to the final cut for the book. Then I set out to turn over every rock in my research to determine how many Negro League players died early, tragic deaths. In the end, my research uncovered nearly 200, although details were frustratingly elusive for some of the player deaths.
I decided to write about this subject because I wanted to put these Negro Leaguers’ life stories in the history books and give them greater recognition for their career achievements. Negro League players were deprived of the right to play in the major leagues for too many years, so that alone bothered me. To discover so many Negro Leaguers died young under suspicious circumstances, without any justice served, bothered me immensely. I wanted to make sure their stories got told and passed on to future generations of baseball fans, because these forgotten stars had already been deprived of so much.
RW: For some, the subject of tragic, early deaths might seem a little dark, but why do you feel it’s important to highlight the fact that so many pre-integration African-American players died so young?
CJ: Many Negro League players, and especially pre-Negro League players, lived and died in anonymity. Some of their greatest feats on the baseball diamond are lost to posterity. African-American players were forced to play in a shadow league due to racial discrimination. They didn’t play for glory or recognition, but that doesn’t mean their stories are less deserving to be told. They are to be saluted, respected and appreciated for their talents, with some measure of dignity that was not provided to them during their lives.
I’m especially proud that my book calls attention to the outstanding work being done by Jeremy Krock with his Negro Leagues Baseball Grave Marker Project. What Jeremy and his group of volunteers have done over the past 20-plus years to bring lasting recognition and restore dignity to long-forgotten Negro League players is truly inspiring.
RW: Why do you think there are so many examples of such tragic passings in the world of Black baseball? Are there any economic, social or cultural factors that might cause such a situation?
CJ: For Negro Leaguers diagnosed with cancer, heart disease, influenza or tuberculosis – just to name a few examples – lack of access to quality health care limited their chances of getting successfully treated. Hospitals were segregated, and the medical profession determined that African Americans were an inferior race and therefore didn’t deserve top-notch care. In 1877, state governments began passing Jim Crow laws to deny equal rights to African Americans, which made all aspects of everyday life more difficult. The Great Migration to northern states created a housing strain and exposed Blacks to new stresses and an environment in which alcohol was more readily available and used to cope with these stresses. Alcoholism was a contributing factor in several of the tragic deaths featured in my book. Race riots in Chicago and other cities bred fear and uncertainty, while Negro Leaguers like Fred Goree learned the danger of traveling through sundown towns.
The Great Depression caused extra financial devastation to Black communities and placed ongoing hardships on Black teams, leagues and players. The only Negro League franchises that remained profitable were those run by men engaged in illegal gambling and bootlegging. Several of the player deaths were directly attributed to bootlegging. While whites also faced financial devastation, their 25-30 percent unemployment rate during the Depression was not as severe as the 50-plus percent unemployment rate for Blacks. With white workers forcing minorities out of lower-paying jobs, Black families no longer had disposable income to spend attending baseball games, and the lack of financial resources placed enormous strain on Negro Leaguers wondering where their next paycheck was coming from. Black teams were forced to travel long distances to play games, which had unintended negative consequences. Porter Moss, Smoky Owens and Buster Brown all died tragically as the result of a chain of events that started with their team bus breaking down.
There has been one Negro League player lynched (James Bowens), one threatened with lynching (Bud Scipio) and one executed (Jim Moss). More than 20 Negro Leaguers were murdered with little or no justice meted out to punish the perpetrator. The same cannot be said of white major leaguers during the segregation era.
RW: What were your biggest challenges writing this book?
CJ: Fleshing out the biographical information proved challenging for some of the players. Census records didn’t always jive with birth records, death certificates and military draft registration cards. Newspaper reporting on Black baseball teams was spotty, with names misspelled, game accounts lacking and details on player deaths wildly inaccurate. Also, it was upsetting to see so much overtly racist coverage in newspapers, especially in the pre-Negro Leagues era.
RW: Are you pleased with how the book turned out?
CJ: I love how the cover turned out, which features illustrations by Nick Wilson of Josh Gibson, Rap Dixon and John Merida. Overall, I am very pleased with the book’s content but wish I didn’t have to leave out so many players who died too young under tragic circumstances. I was given a word limit by my publisher, so featuring more players would’ve meant writing a lot less about each one.
RW: Finally, which deaths that you touched on in this book were the most tragic or unexpected? Were there any particular cases that spoke to you?
CJ: I’d like to say all the player deaths spoke to me, but the reality is that some deaths were just unfortunate. Tuberculosis killed lots of people in the early 1900s and not just Black baseball players. I’ll mention just a few of the cases that made a big impact on me.
James Bowens is one of 4,743 people to be lynched in America and the only professional baseball player. The mob that lynched Bowens in Frederick, Md., in 1895 was stirred up by sensational but untrue accounts in the local newspaper. Bowens, who professed his innocence to the end, was killed in an unbelievably cruel and inhumane way with no due process. He was dead before his alleged victim was alert and properly able to identify her attacker.
What is most disturbing about Fred Goree’s 1925 death is that it took nearly a century for his descendants to learn the true details of his death. Goree, the manager and possible owner of the Chicago Independent Giants, was savagely beaten and then shot to death by a police officer who had pulled him over for alleged speeding, in a clear case of racial profiling. It was cold-blooded murder with multiple witnesses. White newspapers, none of whom spelled Goree’s name correctly, portrayed him as the instigator who left the cop no choice but to defend himself. The St. Louis Argus newspaper, representing the African-American community, told the real story of the shooting based on eyewitnesses who were in the car with Goree. The details of Goree’s death and the sham trial that exonerated his murderer got clouded over as the years went by, and family members didn’t see the Argus article until 2016.
Jeremy Krock was moved to action by Goree’s story and ensured he had a proper grave marker. And you, Ryan, are among the journalists who have called attention to Goree’s tragic killing. It takes a village of researchers and historians to ensure stories of Black baseball are told accurately and with historical context. I’m pleased to be part of that process.
The tragic death of Porter Moss is another important one that has not been told accurately in print until my book came out. It was long believed that Moss died at age 34 in 1944 of a gunshot wound on a passenger train in Tennessee, a situation that culminated with a white doctor boarding the train and refusing to treat Moss because of the color of his skin. That version of the story was backed up by teammate Verdell Mathis in a 1993 interview with the Cincinnati Enquirer. That’s a pretty big accusation and numerous podcasts, articles and even doctoral dissertations have condemned the inhumane actions of the white doctor over the years.
Except that’s not what happened. SABR researchers Russ Speiller and Gary Cieradkowski unearthed a July 21, 1944, article in the Atlanta Daily World (an African-American newspaper) that states the white doctor gave Moss an injection (perhaps morphine for pain) and told his friends to take him to the next station where an ambulance would be waiting to treat him. Moss needed more medical attention than a doctor with a black bag could provide in the baggage room of a train. It was not discrimination or malfeasance that sealed his fate, but being in the wrong place at the wrong time.
Black baseball players like Catto, Bowens, Goree and Moss demonstrated a resilient spirit and love for the game that transcended the adversity they faced. I hope their stories get told and retold for many years to come with newfound respect for what they endured.
This is a follow-up from this post a week and a half ago, about a webinar concerning the National Baseball Hall of Fame’s inability and/or unwillingness to allow induction for more Black players from the segregated era.
As has been promoted on this blog and elsewhere, the 42 for 21 Committee has advocated for several years for justice and fairness in the Hall’s selection process, which continues to fail miserably at giving more-than-deserving Negro Leaguers a truly open and equal chance to pass through the hallowed halls of Cooperstown.
Last Wednesday, the committee issued another pointed proposal for the HOF selection process, challenging the Hall to revise its Eras committee system. Here’s the text of that press release:
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
4 March 2026
The 42 for 21 Committee believes that the Hall of Fame needs to restructure its Era Committees to give Negro Leaguers and pre-league Black Baseball players a fair chance at election in the future. If not, their inaction will likely result in excluding additional Segregated Era Black players from being added to the Hall.
The Hall should restructure the Classic Era Committee into two committees, one for players and one for managers, umpires, and executives. There is no reason to lump these together in the Classic Era, especially when the Contemporary Era has separate committees for players and non-players.
The Hall should also limit the time span of the Classic Era to 1950 and earlier, which would be consistent with previous Era Committees. The span of the defunct Early Baseball Era Committee from 2016 to 2021 ended in 1949; prior to that, the 2010 to 2015 Pre-Integration Era Committee span ended in 1946.
Careful analysis of upcoming Classic Era Committee elections shows that Negro Leaguers and their predecessors are probably going to be shut out under current rules. The huge span of the Classic Era – 1871 to 1979 – and the large number of remaining attractive candidates from 1951 to 1979 mean that there will probably be few slots for Negro Leaguers on the ballots.
That century-long time frame, plus the small number of ballot slots (10), plus rules that restrict committee members to casting only three votes, will create a logjam that will place future Negro League candidates at a severe disadvantage. That logjam will take many years to undo because the Classic Era Committee is scheduled to meet only once every three years.
Exacerbating the problem is that Negro League players and managers/executives/umpires will be competing with each other on the same ballot, and that previous Era Committees have included few members with expertise on the Negro Leagues.
The combination of the above factors will result in a perfect storm that will sink the chances of deserving Black candidates for the Hall of Fame from the Segregated Era. The Hall of Fame has not been afraid to change the rules for the election of veterans in the past, and it should not be afraid to do so now.
************
The 42 For 21 Committee was founded in 2021 to advocate for “Justice for Negro Leaguers” – especially for more robust consideration of many meritorious but overlooked Black Baseball candidates for the Hall of Fame. The significance of the number 42 is self-evident.
More information at www.42for21.org, including the results of our poll of Negro Leagues experts who nominated 43 well-qualified candidates for renewed consideration by the Hall of Fame’s Classic Era Committee.
So far, there’s been little if any reaction from the Hall of Fame or anyone else with the power or influence to sway the Hall in a positive, just way. But that’s not really surprising. The Hall’s stubborn recalcitrance is nothing new. Neither is our dismay and frustration.
Anyone interested in offering support or assistance, or if they just have any questions, can call Sean Gibson at (412) 589-1906 or Gary Gillette at (313) 614-9006, or email 42for21@gmail.com.
I’ll just close with some comments from Dan D’Addona, the sports editor at the Holland (Mich.) Sentinel, and a devoted and talented Negro Leagues researcher, advocate and fan:
While the Era Committees have righted several wrongs and elected some deserving players, the move to having one era span from baseball’s origins to 1979 changed everything and is particularly detrimental to Negro Leagues candidates.
There are just eight finalists on every ballot with voters being allowed to vote for up to three. Numbers-wise it is tough for anyone to get in, but this ballot is spans so long it is worse for Negro Leagues players.
So how are voters, who are Hall of Fame players as well as executives and a couple of media members and two Negro Leagues historians, supposed to come to a consensus on there?
Luis Tiant or Cannonball Dick Redding? Bill Dahlen or Home Run Johnson? Tommy John or John Donaldson?
It will be tough for any candidate to get 75 percent, but it will require the Negro Leagues historians to educate the committee and likely narrow in on one candidate at a time.That would lead to, say, the election of Luis Tiant and Cannonball Dick Redding.
But even that would take the right education, the right people and the right timing on the Era Committee.
Donate to Home Plate Don’t Move
I will never put Home Plate Don’t Move behind a pay wall, but I would certainly invite donations if you wanted to chip in. If not, it’s totally fine. I appreciate you checking out and reading my blog and any other support or contributions you’re willing to offer.
We didn’t let the city’s sad lack of a professional baseball team deter our SABR chapter from finding an event at which we could celebrate the legacy of the Negro Leagues here in New Orleans. Representatives from the chapter approached Tulane officials late last year with the idea, and the Green Wave folks heartily agreed to do it.
The night will include the attendance of multiple family members of various New Orleans greats, and many of those Big Easy Negro Leagues legends – such as Johnny Wright, John Bissant, Allen Page, Lloyd Davenport, Herb Simpson and Oliver Marcell – will be recognized during the game.
There’ll be a poster giveaway for fans, and our SABR chapter will have a table set up where fans can purchase baseball books, read articles by local writers, and learn about SABR membership and benefits.
We’ll have more details the closer the game gets, but for now, if anyone has any questions, they email rcuicchi@aol.com or rwhirty218@gmail.com.
There’s been a lot of stuff happening lately in the world of Negro League scholarship and fandom. For example, the SABR Negro Leagues Committee is gearing up for its annual Jerry Malloy Conference, scheduled this year for June 18-21 in Memphis.
On my end, the John Bissantgrave marker project continues to move forward; we’ve got the text for the marker written, and we’re in the process of finding a contractor to produce the stone. In addition, the Schott-Pelican Chapter of SABR here in New Orleans is working to put together a Negro Leagues Day at a Tulane University baseball game next month (more on that later).
And this past Saturday, Feb. 28, the Josh Gibson Foundation/Negro Leagues Family Alliance – which was co-founded and now headed by Sean Gibson, Josh Gibson’s great-grandson – hosted its regular Negro Leagues webinar, this one on the topic of getting more Negro Leaguers inducted into the National Baseball Hall of Fame. The webinar featured presentations by Negro League advocates and aficionadoes Ted Knorr and Gary Gillette of our 42 for 21 committee.
Meanwhile, along those lines, on Wednesday, March 4, the 42 for 21 committee formally proposed a major revision to the Hall’s Era Committee system, which historically has been completely inadequate and unjust toward potential Black figures from the segregation era. I’ll discuss that in my next post, which hopefully will be posted this upcoming Monday morning.
The National Baseball Hall of Fame
But right now, I’m going to give the lowdown about the webinar this past Saturday, and I’ll just dive right into it, because there were a bunch of sharp, pointed and passionate comments by several people, all along the lines of righting an ongoing wrong being stubbornly perpetrated the Hall of Fame.
Sean Gibson hosted the webinar, and he began by noting that the Family Alliance fully supports the efforts of 42 for 21 and the overall Hall of Fame push.
“We support this effort of getting more Negro League baseball players into the Hall of Fame,” he said. “The mission of the Negro Leagues Family Alliance is to always try to do our best ti use our name and brand to help other Negro Leagues players’ family members to advocate for them and causes like this. I just want to say on behalf of the Family Alliance, we do support this effort.”
The webinar really kicked into gear with longtime SABR Negro Leagues Committee member Ted Knorr giving a comprehensive rundown of the painfully convoluted, tortured history of the various panels and voting bodies, running back to the selection and induction of Satchel Paigein 1971, that were successively formed and disbanded that have elected, or failed to elect, segregated-era Black players, managers, executives, pioneers and umpires.
Satch and his Hall plaque
Ted also listed the various polls done by Negro Leagues experts over the decades aimed at selecting the all-time greatest Negro League figures, beginning with the famed 1952 Pittsburgh Courier poll of writers, players, managers and other experts at the time.
Ted’s listing of these polls included several that have recommended which segregation-era African-American baseball figures need to be inducted into the Hall as soon as possible, up through the “42 for 21” vote taken in 2021 by a group of Negro Leagues historians, writers, researchers and scholars.
Given how detailed Ted’s presentation on these committees and polls, I won’t summarize them in the post, but you should absolutely watch it with this link, which is also given above. However, I will include Ted’s rundown of the current 42 for 21 top 10 of segregated-era Black baseball figures who need to be inducted into the Hall. The current list is minus the three men who were listed in the original 42 for 21 list that have since been inducted by the Hall – Bud Fowler, Buck O’Neil and Minnie Minoso.
“There’s going to be a wide range of opinion, and I think everyone in this room, and every open-minded person, realizes that a four-and-a-half to one ratio doesn’t do a good job of educating the public on the history of baseball. It’s my view, and this is just my opinion, that talent and achievement among Negro League players could fill 58 to 80 plaques in the gallery. There at 28 at present. That’s a shortfall.”
I also liked a comment that Ted made as an aside to his presentation – he noted that the induction of Fowler, O’Neil and Minoso in 2022 was celebrated by Negro Leagues advocates and gave us hope that more segregation-era Black figures would soon follow that trio into the Hall.
Unfortunately, Ted said, “It obviously misled us for the next four or five years.”
Gary was next up in the webinar, and I think I’ll conclude this post with his complete comments that he made Saturday, because his words some up the beliefs of many of us:
“Many thanks to y’all for joining us today. You’ve heard what my colleagues Sean Gibson and Ted Knorr have to say, and I hope that you have been impressed by the recitation of the historical evidence. It is undeniable that Black players from the National Pastime’s Segregated Era are substantially underrepresented in Cooperstown.
“I have some additional comments I’d like to offer for your consideration. Unfortunately, I don’t believe that — in the memorable words of the Captain in ‘Cool Hand Luke’: ‘What we’ve got here is … failure to communicate.’ Communication between the Hall of Fame and the baseball public is just fine; what is not fine is the Hall’s defense of its careful gerrymandering of its electorate.
“The carefully chosen words and the actions of the Hall of Fame speak clearly to their apparent goal of restricting future election of Black players, managers, executives and umpires from the Segregated Era to the Hall.
“Weirdly, while critics of proposals to elect more Negro Leaguers to the Hall often decry the supposed ‘quota systems’ of these initiatives, it’s actually the Hall itself that is intent on enforcing an informal, but strict, quota system of its own.
“If you think that’s unfair, I ask you: When has the Hall of Fame been proactive when related to including Negro Leaguers, as opposed to being reactive to public pressure?
Ted Williams giving his HOF induction speech.
“I’d like to see a show of hands for all those who think that, absent Ted Williams’s unexpected and brave plea at his 1966 induction, the Hall would not have taken another decade or more before setting up its first Negro Leagues Committee.
“No hands? As I expected, we all know that it was only the major public embarrassment that an icon like Williams could generate that forced the Hall to act. Yet unbelievably, the Hall initially proposed a new, Jim Crow Hall: a ‘separate but equal’ wing for the Negro Leaguers. The Hall was quickly forced to retreat from that indefensible position after a tidal wave of criticism.
“Even then, the attempt to constrict the number of Negro Leaguers continued, as the Hall pressured its initial Negro League Committee to disband after electing only nine players – not coincidentally, those nine neatly filled out a starting lineup with one player per position. (That lineup was enabled by the convenient assignment of versatile great Martin Dihigo to the keystone sack.)
“What will it take to get the grand panjandrums in Cooperstown to lower the de facto barriers they have set up to prevent more Black Hall of Famers from the Segregated Era from being added to the hallowed Plaque Gallery – the sanctum sanctorum of the National Pastime?
“No one knows for sure, but it certainly won’t happen without another sustained public outcry about the ridiculously unfair structure of the Era Committees. Let me read to you the exact text from the Hall of Fame’s Web site describing the history and function of the Era Committees:
“‘ERA COMMITTEES ELECTION’
“‘The Era Committee has been a part of the Hall of Fame voting process since the first class of electees in 1936, with the first Era Committee electees coming in 1937.
“‘The Era Committees, formerly known as the Veterans Committee, consider retired Major League players no longer eligible for election by the BBWAA, along with managers, umpires and executives.’
“Notice anything? One of the salient facts about the various incarnations of the Veterans/Era Committee system is its almost complete failure to elect any Negro League managers or umpires. Is anyone capable of keeping a straight face when they say that a half-century of segregated baseball could not produce one Hall-worthy manager or umpire? Really? Seriously? Pull the other one!
“As for Segregated Era executives, the Veterans/Era Committees have elected only one executive, Black baseball titan Rube Foster. What about the other four executives elected, you ask? Effa Manley, Alex Pompez, Cum Posey and J.L. Wilkinson were elected in the special 2006 process, not by any Veterans or Era Committee. What about Sol White, Frank Grant, Bud Fowler and Buck O’Neil, you point out – all of whom are shown as Executives on the Hall’s official Web site? They are more aptly described as Pioneers, one of five categories for induction, but that category has essentially been abandoned by the Hall for no good reason.
“The sad truth is that only Rube Foster – a no-brainer selection whose greatness even the brainless could recognize – is the only executive, manager or umpire from the Segregated Era that has been allowed through the bronze portals of the Hall in the half-century since 1971.
“When Satchel Paige was finally inducted into the Hall of Fame in ‘71, he said in his speech that ‘there were many Satchels and many Joshes.’ We can forgive his rhetorical hyperbole there, and one can easily argue there was no pitcher as great as Paige and no player as great as Gibson.
“Paige’s point, however, is spot-on. There were many great Black players in the Segregated Era – far more than have since been immortalized in bronze in Cooperstown. It’s great that underappreciated outfielder Pete Hill has a plaque, yet the brilliant but almost unknown outfielder Rap Dixon does not. Shortstop Pop Lloyd was inducted in 1977, and Willie Wells in 2006, but King Richard, the great shortstop Dick Lundy, has been excluded along with Grant ‘Home Run’ Johnson – perhaps the best Black player of the 19th century. Intimidating, flamethrowing hurlers like Paige and Joe Williams have been honored, but Cannonball Dick Redding remains on the outside, virtually anonymous.
“In conclusion, I’d like to repurpose an oft-referenced phrase from American history that seems appropriate to describe the Hall of Fame’s history in this regard. In the Supreme Court’s precedent-shattering Brown v. Board of Education ruling in 1954, the Court ordered that segregation should be ended ‘with all deliberate speed.’ Unfortunately, that unclear language gave enough latitude for recalcitrant Southern states to disingenuously drag out the desegregation process.
“It has now been 55 years since the legendary Satchel Paige took his rightful place in Cooperstown, yet we are still struggling to end discrimination against the great Black players.”
Donate to Home Plate Don’t Move
I will never put Home Plate Don’t Move behind a pay wall, but I would certainly invite donations if you wanted to chip in. If not, it’s totally fine. I appreciate you checking out and reading my blog and any other support or contributions you’re willing to offer.
Here we have our final post about some of the various databases I have available to tap, and this one takes the conversation about Black baseball and jumps it from Jewish newspapers (the topic of my previous two posts, here and here) to a famous African-American publication, Jet Magazine.
Jet was launched in 1951 as a digest-sized, straightforward, hard-news publication and dubbed itself “The Weekly Negro News Magazine.” (It’s now solely online.) Jet was founded in Chicago by John H. Johnson, who wanted to provide Black Americans the type of positive media coverage and representation that was still sorely lacking in the American culture and social zeitgeist. The publication was owned and operated by Johnson Publishing Company for decades until it was sold in 2016 to the Clear View Group, a private equity firm.
(Jet also had a sister publication, Ebony, that was similarly launched and owned by Johnson and his company. overseen by one company. Founded in 1945, Ebony was originally modeled after Life Magazine, and it gradually evolved into a sleeker news, culture, analysis and commentary magazine than Jet before transitioning, a long with Jet, to online-only within the last decade after purchase by the Clear View Group.)
When first founded, Jet quickly became a vital, bold, fearless publication that unflinchingly covered the Civil Rights Movement and the fight against societal, systemic racism.
John H. Johnson
Most notably, in the summer of 1955, it covered the funeral of Emmett Till and published a photo of Emmett’s bloated and mutilated body, which was displayed in an open casket by his mother. The image shocked the country and stirred many in the Black community and a few white allies to kickstart the modern Civil Rights Movement.
Despite its undeniable impact on news coverage in America, Jet also reported on “lighter” topics, like culture, entertainment and, of course, sports, including baseball. However, by the time Jet was launched in 1951, integration of the major leagues was quickly sapping the Negro Leagues of their talent, recources, financial prospects and vitality within Black America.
As a result, Jet never had a chance to cover the Negro Leagues in their heyday. However, the magazine did report pretty well on these waning years of organized African-American baseball, especially the signing of Black players by major league clubs and the performance of those players in the Major and Minor leagues.
In March 1953, Jet noted that Willard Brown, a former Negro League star outfielder and another future HOFer, had been signed away from the Kansas City Monarchs by the Dallas Eagles of the Double-A Texas League; and in October 1969, the magazine announced the death of Hank Thompson, an ex-Kansas City Monarch who spent several years in the Majors with the St. Louis Browns and New York Giants.
(Coincidentally, in March 1952, the magazine reported a previous signing by the Dallas Eagles – second baseman Ray Neil of the Indianapolis Clowns, who, in inking a deal with the Eagles, became the first African American to do so in the Texas League. Unfortunately, the Dallas club released Neil before the start of the season, and Neil never played in Organized Baseball.)
Some other former Negro Leaguers mentioned in Jet multiple times:
Fleet-footed Sam Jethroe, who in April 1953 was sent down from the Milwaukee Braves to Toledo of the American Association; and three months later was accused of “lax playing” by Toledo teammates.
Former Newark Eagle and future Hall of Fame inductee Monte Irvin, who, as noted by Jet, unsuccessfully ran for a seat in the New Jersey Assembly on the Democratic ticket in 1951; spent the 1951-52 off-season from the New York Giants teaching baseball to youth in recreation centers on the New York-New Jersey area; and in 1956 signed with the Chicago Cubs.
Minnie Minoso, another ex-Negro Leaguer and future Hall of Famer, who copped American League Rookie of the Year honors from the Sporting News in 1951, stated Jet; signed his 1953 contract with the Chicago White Sox for $20,000; and was hospitalized in October 1957, as reported by Jet, for a respiratory infection and elbow trouble.
One former Negro League star who got a relatively large amount of ink in Jet was big Luke Easter, a giant slugger who crushed towering home runs for the Homestead Grays before hopping to the Cleveland Indians in 1949.
Luke Easter
The magazine chronicled Easter’s career with the Indians in the early- to mid-1950s, and then into the later 1950s and beyond in the minor leagues, where he became something of a folk hero. Jet began publishing after Easter’s tenure with the Grays, so the publication never really covered his time with them.
While Easter was with the Indians (now renamed the Guardians), Jet reported on the injuries that limited his playing time and production, and the magazine made note of his tape-measure circuit clouts, as well as his contract news.
But it was Easter’s lengthy career in the minors and his post-playing retirement that the magazine really followed. In addition to noting how Easter frequently led various leagues in homers and RBIs, the post-MLB coverage of Easter included the indefinite suspension he drew in August 1955 for tossing balls to kids in the stands; his setting of the International League’s season home run mark in 1956 with 35 for the Buffalo Bisons; a $100 fine for his role in instigating an in-game brawl in June 1958; and being named the Indians’ first black coach in 1969.
Sadly, Easter was murdered by robbers in Euclid, Ohio, at the age 63, and Jet dedicated an entire page to remembering the legendary slugger. The piece ended with a quote from Bill Veeck, the eccentric baseball owner/executive who signed Easter to the latter’s first big-league contract with Cleveland in 1949.
“It’s really sad,” Jet quoted Veeck as saying. “He was a heck of a guy. I remember him hitting 25 homers in one month in the minors. If he could have come into the majors sooner, there’s no telling how great he might have been.” (Veeck was noted for embellishment and hyperbole.)
In addition to the activities of individual former Negro League players, Jet also periodically tracked the status of the fading Negro American League, which, by the time Jet came started publishing, had already been decimated by the exodus of its players into Organized Baseball post-integration.
In May 1954, the magazine announced the opening of that year’s NAL season, noting that only four teams were now in it. Five years later, Jet reported that the NAL was willing to take offers from the American and National Leagues to become an official minor league under a financial partnership. However, the NAL, the publication noted, would not take organizational tie-up offers from individual AL and NL teams. (The NAL would further fade into obscurity and fold within a few years.)
(In that same April 23, 1959, issue of the weekly, it’s worth noting, Jet reported that Pumpsie Green had been sent back to the Boston Red Sox’s top farm club, the Minneapolis Millers of the American Association following spring training. Three months later, Green made his BoSox debut to integrate the Boston club, the very last Major League team to do so.)
As a side note, in March 1954 Jet noted the formation of the Eastern Negro League, a group of clubs from the East and the South that planned a two-division circuit with eight teams in each division, for 16 total. (The ENL didn’t last very long, for a couple seasons at most.)
(Coincidentally, and in news that became, in hindsight, much more significant that the ENL, in that same March 25, 1954, issue of Jet, the weekly noted the signing by the NAL’s Indianapolis Clowns of two women players, Connie Morgan and Mamie “Peanuts” Johnson, as well as a new field manager – none other than the great Oscar Charleston.)
Jet also kept tabs on the once-great teams of the Negro Leagues as they struggled to survive as integration continued to sweep across Organized Baseball. In February 1956, for example, the publication reported that according to Kansas City Monarchs owner Tom Baird, the Monarchs were faced with the prospect of either leaving Kansas City or disbanding. Baird cited two causes for the dilemma – skyrocketing costs, and the entry of the Major Leagues into the local market, with the arrival of the Athletics.
As time went on, into the 1970s and ’80s, Jet reported on the induction of pre-integration African-American players into the Hall of Fame in Cooperstown. In March 1967, the magazine made note of the death of pitcher Wilber “Bullet” Rogan, and more than 30 years later, Jet reported on Rogan’s election to the Hall in 1998.
“Known for a quick, no-windup delivery, a blazing fastball was Rogan’s primary pitch,” the publication stated before adding that Rogan was also adept in other positions (particulary outfield) and at the bat.
Oscar Charleston
Likewise, in October 1954 – roughly three years after its launching – Jet gave a handful of lines to the great Oscar Charleston, who was and is considered by some (including this humble writer) as the greatest player of all time, regardless of color, league or era. Then, in 1976, as Charleston was being ushered into the HOF, the publication dedicated a full page to his memory and, by extension, the memories of many Negro League legends.
“He was a compactly muscled 190-pound athlete who stood 5 feet, 11 inches and who, like to many of his fellow Negro League players, was forced to wallow in baseball obscurity,” the magazine stated.
“But that didn’t stop the late Oscar Charleston from playing with a passionate fury, relentlessly attacking any pitcher’s best stuff,” it added.
The article concluded with nods to other Black baseball greats and added that many Negro Leagues legends deserved their own calls from the Hall.
“There is still a rich quantity of Negro League stars awaiting a Hall of Fame nod,” it stated. “Last year the [Hall of Fame’s] special committee [on the Negro Leagues] talked of dissolving. Fortunately for those Black players whose only blockade into the Major Leagues was white racism, the committee continues to breathe.”
Other legends whose HOF inductions were reported by Jet included pitcher/manager/team owner/executive Rube Foster, third baseman Judy Johnson (March 1975) and pitcher Leon Day (March 1995), who, the magazine noted, received the Hall’s call while he was in his bed at St. Agnes Hospital in Baltimore.
“I thought this day would never come,” Day said, a comment to the New York Times that Jet included in its own article. “I’m feeling pretty good. I’m not as sick as they think.”
Day died six days later.
Jet also noted the passings of shortstop Willie Wells (April 1989), third sacker Ray Dandridge, (March 1994) and Effa Manley (May 1981), co-owner of the Newark Eagles.
On the subject of Effa Manley, four years before her death Jet published an article about her then-new autobiography, co-authored with sports reporter and publicist Leon H. Hardwick, entitled “Negro Baseball … Before Integration.”
In the Jet’s article on Effa and the book, the magazine asserted that while Effa’s husband, Abe Manley, using profits from his numbers racket to fund the Eagles, recruited the club’s players and “mapp[ed] the team’s field strategies. …it was Mrs. Manley who took care of the books and saw to it that on every first and 15th day of each playing month the Eagles’ paychecks would fly to the players’ pockets.”
The magazine added that “[h]er personal story is as colorful as the brand of ‘devil-may-care” of baseball played in the Negro Leagues. …
“An admitted Babe Ruth fan years before she moved up to management, Mrs. Manley recalls with fondness the days that her Eagles stocked such playing gems” as Monte Irvin, Larry Doby, Biz Mackey, Wells, Mule Suttles, Dick Lundy and Day.
Effa Manley
In being interviewed for the Jet story, Effa expressed sadness that integration killed the Negro Leagues – she said the Black circuits “could have been a magnificent farm system for the major league teams” – and sharply criticized Branch Rickey for starting the trend of major league team owners poaching talent from the Negro Leagues.
“Branch Rickey was terrible for what he did,” she told the magazine. He got some of our best players for nothing even though we had a vested right to our players.”
Manley also said the Negro Leaguers who were starting to trickle into the Hall of Fame in the 1970s should have been placed in a separate wing in the Hall, because such a section would allow for more segregation-era Black figures to be inducted overall.
“I’d settle for seeing 25 or 30 of those Negro League players in the Hall of Fame at once,” she told the magazine, “but in my book there’d be even more. Negroes should know how great they are. It’s ridiculous for Negroes to think they’re inferior.”
In ensuing years, Jet also highlighted other ways Negro League greats have been recognized and honored over the decades. Primary among that are periodic articles about the Negro Leagues Baseball Museum in Kansas City – in December 1990, the publication reported on the founding of the museum; in 2008, Jet revealed how rappers Kanye West, T-Pain and Big Boi were part of a special CD aimed at benefiting the NLBM; and in February 2010, the magazine discussed how the museum was experience devastating financial difficulties. (The NLBM is now gladly on solid fiscal ground and doing phenomenally.)
A few other recognition events for Negro Leaguers covered by Jet:
The Chicago White Sox in 2008 hosting a tribute to the 75th anniversary of the first edition of the famed annual East-West All-Star Game. The salute included the Double Duty Classic game, featuring 30 inner-city high school players and the attendance of several legendary MLB and Negro Leagues greats.
The 1990 edition on the Baseball Encyclopedia including the names and statistics of Negro Leaguers for the first time. That year the compendium listed about 130 segregation-era Black players. Jet quoted encyclopedia editorial director Rich Wolff: “When I realized that some of today’s big-leaguers do not even know who Jackie Robinson was, I realized it was time we did something about it.”
The erection of a monument honoring Josh Gibson and Rube Foster in a park in Marietta, Ga., the site of the Twelfth Annual Georgia Negro Baseball Tournament in 1960.
I want to conclude with how Jet chronicled the later life of the one and only James “Cool Papa” Bell, because the publication devoted a good deal of page space to the legendary Black baseball speedster and outfielder.
Cool Papa Bell
In October 1954, the magazine reported the 51-year-old’s formation of an all-Black barnstorming team to travel with an all-white club; in summer 1986, Jet included a picture of Bell, then 83, tossing out the first pitch at a Boys Club stadium in his adopted hometown of St. Louis being renamed after him.
That was followed in March 1990 by a brief feature article updating readers on Bell’s memories and current life; the story was accompanied by a photo of the baseball great holding a framed image of his Hall of Fame plaque. On a more dour note, later in 1990 Jet reported on the theft of $300,000 in memorabilia owned by Bell and the legal case against the alleged pilferers.
Then, in March 1991, the magazine ran a long article about Cool Papa’s death at the age of 87 (the article erroneously said 88) after a long illness. Stated the story: “Bell was thought to be the fastest man ever to play baseball and was a terror on the basepaths.” The piece also noted, however, that Bell was also an excellent hitter, something in which the late outfielder prided himself.
Fortunately, though, the baseball legend was posthumously honored about three years later, as Jet reported, with the renaming of a street in Jackson, Miss. (he was born in Mississippi), as Cool Papa Bell Drive; the effort to rename the roadway had been headed up by Bell’s daughter, Connie Brooks.
While Home Plate Don’t Move will never be put behind a paywall, donations of any size are welcome. To donate to the blogging effort, click here.
Here’s a little companion piece to my last post about Jewish journalist Haskell Cohen and the archives of The Jewish Advocate and The Jewish Exponent. To complement that previous article, I’ll look at a few of the editorials the two newspapers wrote over the years about baseball, race, bigotry and integration.
I’ll forgo a lot of my own blather and just feature direct quotes from the editorial pages of the two illustrious publications. First from The Advocate:
April 10, 1947, about Opening Day
“To people, visiting our shores for the first time, the shouting and yelping of fans at a baseball game might seem an incredible display of mass hysteria and a useless waste of human energy. But to us of America the crowd at a baseball game is America.
“It has been said by educators that the key to the elimination of prejudice among the youth lies in the playground. Let children of all races, creeds and faiths play together and they will grow to understand each other and respect each other. If that is the truth, then baseball is the best example of that verity.
“As this season opens there are a number of Jewish players on several major and minor league teams. But a sign of the times is the expected inclusion of a Negro on Brooklyn’s baseball club. A sport that can break such barriers is a wholesome contribution to American life.”
April 12, 1951, about that year’s start to the baseball season
“And yet, there is another under-current of the game – the gathering of men and women and children of all colors and races and faiths under one roof in tribute to artists of the game whether they be white or black or Jewish or Christian We know of no study estimating the value and influence of baseball in breaking down racial and religious barriers. But no one who ever visited a great ball park can ever cease wondering at the basic amity of the fans, at least while the ballgame is in progress.
“There were times when big league baseball was only a white man’s game. But since courageous and imaginative Branch Rickey dared the innovation of Negro players, the game has taken on a truly national character.”
July 12, 1951, in response to an ugly, violent incident of bigotry-driven heckling and trash-talking at Comiskey Park
“One of the greatest baseball traditions is the right of fans to freely boo and applaud. But when a bunch of rowdies abuse that prerogative by venting abuse against ballplayers merely because they are Jews or Negroes, the national game is facing a situation it must eradicate at once if it is to survive within our democratic pattern. …
The hoodlums who vituperate Jewish and Negro players are not baseball fans. They are fanners – fanners of hatred and racial bigotry.”
“Baseball is our national game, and it is, therefore, painful to see its precincts transformed into an avenue of bigotry. Fortunately it can be said that the game is largely free of the evil of which we are now complaining. What the rowdies did was not only anti-Jewish but anti-American as well. The hoodlums who vituperate Jewish and Negro players are not baseball fans. They are fanners – fanners of hatred and racial bigotry.”
Here’s now a few from The Jewish Exponent:
April 20, 1951
“The story of widespread prejudice against Negroes in organized baseball is well known. Five years ago it would have been unthinkable to suggest that Negroes could make their way into the baseball picture. But few remember that 30 years ago the same hostility was felt toward Jewish ballplayers. Every method calculated to keep the Jew away from Big League diamonds was employed – but, of course, to little avail.”
July 13, 1951, concerning the same incident of bigotry at a White Sox game mentioned above
“Ordinarily, sportsmanship and tolerance go hand in hand. These virtues apply equally to players and spectators. That, at least, is what we like to think. But experience has proved that this is not true. …
“ … Scarcely more than four years ago, one Big League manager [likely Ben Chapman] was cautioned for making gestures about Hank Greenberg’s ‘Jewish nose.’ This same manager made life miserable for Jackie Robinson when the great Negro star broke into [organized] baseball. Today, both Robinson and Greenberg are still in the Major Leagues while that manager is down in the lowly minors – perhaps not even low enough for him.
“Can it be that after the ‘color line’ has been broken down in baseball, there still is resentment over a ballplayer’s religion? Why should this be in view of the tremendous examples of fair play, decency, integrity and athletic ability exhibited day in and day out over a period of years by the Greenbergs and the Robinsons?
“Apparently such unsavory practices as ‘throwing a game,’ hitting below the belt and downright cheating must move over to make room for a bosom companion – prejudice.”
“Apparently such unsavory practices as ‘throwing a game,’ hitting below the belt and downright cheating must move over to make room for a bosom companion – prejudice.”
Aug. 21, 1953, in a piece by sportswriter Bill Wolf
“The ugly face of race prejudice has once again been seen in sports, this time in major league baseball. The victims: Dodger catcher Roy Campanella and infielder Jackie Robinson.
“While the incidents do not involve any Jewish players, they are of paramount interest to Jewish sports fans. For as it has been demonstrated time and again, when racial attacks are made on Negroes, the danger of anti-Semitic incidents increases.
“Fans will recall the incident a number of years ago, when Sid Gordon was the target of anti-Semitic remarks in St. Louis. Two years before that St. Louis players had also hurled insults at Jackie Robinson. Bigotry is a common enemy of all who seek democracy in sports.”
So today we have another installment of “cool stuff from various databases.” (I previously did a couple such posts here and here.) I perused a few of them and came across ones compiling the archives of two Jewish newspapers: The Jewish Advocate, based in Boston, and The Jewish Exponent, based in Philadelphia.
I decided to search these archives for articles and commentaries about Negro League baseball, integration of the sport, and race issues in general in the national pastime. I found some pretty good stuff, and I noticed one trend in particular: the columns and articles of Haskell Cohen.
Cohen was an extremely deft, incisive reporter and scribe who’s most well known for his key involvement in the growth and strengthening in the 1950s and ’60s, serving as the nascent league’s publicity director for nearly two decades. He also created the NBA All-Star Game, which he modeled after the MLB All-Star contest.
But he was also a prolific journalist, including as sports editor for the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, a news wire service, for 17 years, and as a contributing editor to several magazines, such as Parade and Spot.
But for our purposes here, we’ll focus on the reporting and commentaries he provided for the Jewish Telegraphic Agency and various newspapers and similar publications. Through the archives of The Jewish Advocate and The Jewish Exponent, I first collected some columns he wrote for the JTA, then branched out a bit from there.
One running theme in Cohen’s columns was covering the activities of several Jewish executives, promoters and owners in Black baseball, particularly Abe Saperstein of Chicago, Philadelphia’s Eddie Gottlieb, and Syd Pollock of New York, all of whose involvement in Black ball circles, especially as promoters, was somewhat controversial at the time, and continues to be somewhat today.
Eddie Gottlieb
(Supporters argued that the influence and financial backing they brought to the table was a positive for the Negro Leagues, while critics asserted that the Jewish executives bumped African-American promoters and executives from crucial roles in the sport, exploited Black talent, and siphoned revenue that could have been going to Black-owned teams and promotion services.)
In September 1946, Cohen reported on the financial difficulties being then experienced by Saperstein in Black baseball promotions, including the quick folding of the West Coast Negro Baseball Association, a short-lived league that Saperstein oversaw with Olympic hero Jesse Owens. However, Cohen added that Saperstein hoped to turn things around when he took his Black all-star team to Hawaii for an extended tour. (For more on that Hawaii tour, check out this article.)
In a column from June of the following year, Cohen noted the attendance of Gottlieb and Pollock at the joint meetings of Negro American League and Negro National League in New York City. Cohen also often also reported on Saperstein’s connections as a scout with the Cleveland Indians (now the Guardians), whose owner, Bill Veeck, paid Saperstein to comb the ranks of Black baseball for potential talent for the MLB team; Cohen asserted in a November 1948 column that it was Saperstein who bird dogged Satchel Paige for Veeck and the Indians.
Cohen then, in July 1950, reported that it was now Gottlieb who was promoting Paige; Cohen wrote that “Paige is now under contract to Eddie Gottlieb, who is securing $1,500 to $3,000 weekly for the aged pitcher’s services.”
But Cohen was also willing to take Jewish sports executives to task, such as in July 1945, when he sharply criticized the antics of the Cincinnati Clowns, including relatively harsh words in particular for the team’s owner, Pollock.
“Sid [sic] [has] a funny team but his burlesque of Negro people, for gag purposes, is in very bad taste,” Cohen wrote. “… Sid [sic] is beginning to tone down on this stuff and if he goes all the way in refining his talent[,] the Clowns are really going to come into their own as one of the nation’s funniest ball clubs.”
With that, we’ll use a nice segue to Cohen’s occasional mention of who, at that time, was the biggest Jewish name in baseball – Hank Greenberg, of course. In December 1949, Cohen reported how Veeck had sold his interests in the Indians, and the columnist pondered what role, if any, Saperstein would retain with the club, including his activity as a scout of Negro League talent.
But the main thrust of Cohen’s piece was how Greenberg was going to stay on as the general manager for the team, as opposed to the original plan for the Hebrew Hammer, which called for him to be team president.
Hank Greenberg
Then, in February 1951, after the integration of organized baseball had gotten well underway, Cohen quoted Greenberg discussing the latter’s view of racism and bigotry in baseball, particularly in Cleveland, where, Greenberg said, open-mindedness and acceptance were the rule. Cohen quoted Greenberg saying:
“We in Cleveland have adopted the motto that ability counts, not race, color or creed. It is only natural, therefore, that the Cleveland Indians lead the way by judging players on performance only. Our daily lineup includes two Irishmen, an Englishman, a Scotsman and two Mexicans, Protestants, Catholics and Jews, Negroes and Whites and all Americans who work and play together in perfect harmony. This speaks for itself.”
A few years earlier, in May 1947 – just a month or so after Jackie Robinson had stepped on the field for the Brooklyn Dodgers – Cohen noted in a JTA column that Greenberg, and Jews in general, had been steadfast in their support of Robinson. Penned Cohen:
“Jewish baseball fans in Flatbush are keeping a wary eyer open watching the progress of Jackie Robinson, Negro first baseman with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Since the Brooks do not have a Jewish player on the roster, the many Jewish inhabitants of the batty baseball borough, have more or less adopted the colored lad. His every movement on the field and at bat are applauded by the fans who are predominantly of Jewish extraction.”
Cohen added that since his Brooklyn debut, Robinson “has been finding the going rather tough in more ways than one. … As yet, he has not been accepted by members of the league, not even by his own teammates.” However, the scribe continued, Greenberg was one of the solitary figures in the majors “who has extended a welcome hand …”
The scribe added that during a recent contest between the Dodgers and Greenberg’s Pittsburgh Pirates, Robby and Greenberg had collided on a play, soon after which Greenberg had asked Jackie if he’d been hurt in the incident. Robinson said he was OK, and, according to Cohen, “Greenie then remarked, ‘Stay in there, you’re doing fine, keep your chin up.’ These were the first words of encouragement Robinson had heard since the beginning of the season. He told newspapermen: ‘I always knew Mr. Greenberg was a gentleman. Class always tells.’”
In addition to Jewish publications and wire services, Cohen occasionally even did a little stringing for The Pittsburgh Courier, one of the most prominent African-American newspapers of the day.
For example, he covered a Baltimore Elite Giants doubleheader sweep over the New York Black Yankees at Yankee stadium with an article in the May 26, 1945, issue of The Courier; and in the Sept. 4, 1948, edition of the paper, Cohen reported that two members of the Negro National League’s New York Cubans – pitcher Jose Santiago and future National Baseball of Famer Oresto Minoso, later, of course dubbed Minnie – had been sold to the Cleveland Indians for an undisclosed amount.
Minnie Minoso
Finally, Cohen contributed a lengthy feature article to Spot Magazine in July 1942, about none other than legendary Josh Gibson. In the piece, Cohen detailed Gibson’s career trajectory, achievements and impacts on Black baseball. Because Josh’s exploits have already been well chronicled elsewhere and, as we know, quite numerous, I won’t refer to Cohen’s reporting on that subject. I’ll just wrap up this post with a hefty quote from the first section of Cohen’s article, and I think Cohen’s words will speak for themselves:
“When then isn’t [Gibson] in the National or American League, catching for the World Champion Yankees, the Dodgers or one of the other pennant contenders? An unwritten law of the majors bans from its fields all colored – a prissy prohibition that is out of line with big time baseball’s reputation for sportsmanship. Thousands of fans, both famous and humble, have strenuously objected to Jim Crowism on the diamond, pointing out that it is ironical to find discrimination in America’s national game, that the big leagues deprive themselves of much valuable talent, and that it’s not quite logical for a sport that had a Black Sox scandal to exclude representatives of a race that boasts such outstanding sportsmen as Joe Louis, Henry Armstrong and Jesse Owens. Be that as it may and many another colored star can’t play with white boys.
“After 12 years in colored baseball, and at the age of 30, Gibson has compiled so many records with his hickory stick that it is doubtful if the great Babe himself did any better.”
Karma. Existential justice. Reaping what you sow. Bad juju.
Whatever you want to call it, it seems like it might have been at play following the law-enforcement lynching of African-American baseball team owner Fred Goree a century ago.
The two deputies who speciously pulled over Goree’s new Cadillac – in a fairly obvious case of “driving while Black” – walked him from the car, and beat him to death, later claiming that it was Goree who began attacking them.
When St. Louis (Missouri) County deputy constable Clarence Edgcombe “Pat” Bennett and a companion, Charles Schuchmann, murdered Goree on Aug. 1, 1925, as Goree and friends were in the St. Louis area for a game featuring the Chicago Independents, Goree’s team, the two officers just might have invited fate to turn against them.
After an investigation, a St. Louis County coroner’s jury exonerated Bennett directly and Schuchmann implicitly of any blame for the killing of Goree; the jury apparently believed Bennett when the deputy testified that Goree attempted to grab Bennett’s gun when the baseball owner was shot. This despite the testimony and assertions of other witnesses that Goree’s skull was, in fact, crushed and he was actually on the ground when he was shot.
Even though the deputy constables escaped the legal system more or less unscathed, the universe, perhaps, wasn’t quite pleased.
Because within four years, both Bennett and Schuchmann ended up the victims of gun violence – the former having his jaw shattered when shot in the face by alleged robbers, the latter dying from what Schuchmann’s death certificate called a “gunshot wound in head [during an] unavoidable accident.”
Bennett was born in St. Louis in 1895 to Clarence Edgcombe “Clay” Bennett Sr., a foreman at a printing press, and the former Amelia Graham. Clarence Jr. was one of 11 children in a family that at first lived in the City of St. Louis but later moved to St. Louis County.
(It’s important to note that St. Louis County was at the time and still is separate and distinct from the City Of St. Louis, which split off from the county in the 1870s. This fact made it a bit challenging to do research for this series on Fred Goree.)
Clarence Jr. – for the sake of clarity, I’ll refer to Bennett Jr. as Pat from here on out – as a cook in the Army during WWI; he was reportedly wounded and gassed during battle while a part of the 138th Infantry, Missouri National Guard.
Bennett became a deputy constable in 1922, roughly three years before killing Fred Goree. He was appointed a deputy sheriff in 1936 by St. Louis County then-Sheriff-elect A.J. Frank, under whom Bennett served until 1941. Bennett unsuccessfully ran for St. Louis County Sheriff in 1952 as a Republican while he was working as an ironworks foreman. Bennett had also previously and unsuccessfully run for justice of the peace in St. Ferdinand Township in 1930.
Pat Bennett’s World War II draft card
Bennett married Emma Lovern (or LaVerne) Hartung (nee 1906) in 1925 in Bond County, Ill., which is just over the Mississippi River from St. Louis. The couple lived in St. Ferdinand Township, part of St. Louis County, for much of their lives and had one child, a daughter, Donna Rose, who was born in 1931.
The family later moved to the City of Jennings in St. Louis County.
Pat and Lovern then moved to the Tampa–St. Petersburg area in Florida, where Pat died in 1971 at the age of 75. (Lovern then might have moved back to the St. Louis area, where she died in 2001.)
Perhaps significantly, Pat’s obituaries (from both the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and the Tampa Bay Times) make no mention of his career in law enforcement.
And it’s back to his time as a constable we now go, because what happened to him after the murder of Fred Goree is pretty stunning – namely, being shot in the face while reportedly fighting with a trio of robbers.
According to reports in the Post-Dispatch and Globe-Democrat newspapers, the incident occurred in the wee hours of the morning on May 12, 1926, when Pat Bennett, accompanied by his brother, Grant (who was unarmed and not a constable officer), reportedly witnessed three suspicious men approach another vehicle that was parked on the side of the road and that contained two men and two women.
The Bennetts reportedly grew suspicious of the trio of men as the three men approached the other, parked vehicle and allegedly searched the two couples. The brothers – Pat had his gun in his hand – got out of their vehicle and attempted to sneak up on the suspected robbers, who nevertheless allegedly saw the Bennetts. One of the suspects shot twice, with one of the bullets hitting Pat in the face. The alleged robbers abandoned their car and fled on foot, while Grant Bennett and the occupants of the other vehicle (the potential robbery victims) assisted the wounded Pat and took him to get treatment. The car used by the suspects allegedly had been stolen from in front of a residence earlier in the night.
The bullet had struck Pat Bennett in the nose and split into three fragments, two of which lodged in his jaw. The third exited his left cheek. He was reported by the Post-Dispatch in serious condition at St. Mary’s Hospital.
Both the article in the Post-Dispatch and the one in the Globe-Democrat mentioned the previous year’s incident in which Goree was killed and noted that Pat Bennett had been exonerated in the killing.
The only follow-up information that I could find about the 1926 incident was from an article in the May 15, 1926, issue of the St. Louis Star and Times newspaper, which reported that one suspect, Raymond Hogan, in the shooting of Pat Bennett had been arrested. Hogan was the son of notorious gangster Edward J. “Jellyroll” Hogan. I wasn’t able to find any further information about Hogan’s case.
As of the May 15 article, Pat Bennett was still in critical condition at the hospital, but he obviously recovered eventually and continued his career in law enforcement.
Schuchmann wasn’t so lucky, however.
St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Oct. 4, 1928
Before we get into his fate, let’s take a quick look at Charles J. Schuchmann’s personal background. He was born on Sept. 1, 1907, the seventh child of Joseph J. “Jesse” Sr. and Mary (nee Weirman or Wierman) “Dolly” Schuchmann, who had nine children total (five boys, four girls).
The Schuchmann family traced back to the Baden-Wurttemberg region of what is now Germany; numerous members of the clan emigrated from there to the U.S. in the early-to-mid-19th century. Several Schuchmanns worked as either butchers or grocers/food peddlers; on the federal Census, Jesse was listed as a butcher in the 1900 and 1910 editions, and as a “huckster” in 1920 and 1930 (specifically selling vegetables in the latter).
Charles’ maternal grandmother was the former Louisa (or Louise) Dehatre, part of the DeHatre family of St. Louis. The DeHatres were one of the earliest families to settle in the area, stretching back to the late 1700s, and they owned several prominent businesses in and around St. Louis.
Charles Schuchmann’s precise role in Goree’s death is somewhat unclear, but by most accounts he was actively involved. According to Bennett’s testimony in a coroner’s inquiry following Goree’s murder, Goree had reached for Bennett’s gun during a scuffle during the roadside stop.
“The negro was getting the best of me,” Bennett told the coroner’s jury, as reported by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “and I called to Schuchmann for help. He ran to me and struck Goree twice on the head. Goree’s grip on the revolver relaxed and I told Schuchmann not to hit him again.”
Bennett testified that the gun then went off in the scuffle, with the shot reportedly striking Goree. The deputy said that he (Bennett) succeeded in wresting the gun from Goree and shot at the victim twice, both hitting Goree, who died a little while later while receiving treatment.
However, the St. Louis Argus, an African-American newspaper, reported a different account of what actually transpired.
“The reports of several eye witnesses of the slaying … have given plain evidence of a case of cold-blooded murder … and local white dailies failed to present facts to show that [Bennett] was in the wrong,” stated the Aug. 7, 1925, issue of the Argus.
The newspaper cited testimony by Goree’s two companions in the Buick, Frenchie Henry and Harold Gauldin, that directly contradicted the accounts of Schuchmann and Bennett.
The trio of Black men – who were on their way from the St. Louis area to Effingham, Ill., to pick up members of Goree’s team who’d been stranded in the latter city on their way to the team’s scheduled game in the St. Louis suburbs – weren’t the aggressors in the confrontation, Henry, Gauldin and other witnesses said.
The witnesses reportedly stated that Bennett seemed drunk and became infuriated when Goree pleaded with Bennett to let the team owner make arrangements for the safe retrieval of the players in Effingham. The witnesses further reported that upon losing his temper and calling Goree a “damn n*****,” Bennett drew his gun – the white men had testified that Goree had suddenly reached for Bennett’s gun out of the blue – and when Goree grabbed hold of the gun in self-defense, it went off during the ensuing struggle.
According to the witnesses, Bennett then did call to Schuchmann for help, and Schuchmann did rush to Bennett’s aid. But while Bennett had testified that Schuchmann had “struck Goree twice in the head” before stopping on Bennett’s order, the witnesses gave a starkly different account. Stated the Argus:
“[T]he youth came and beat Goree over the head with a black jack for a period which Gauldin estimated lasted three minutes [itals mine].” The article further asserted that post-mortem examination found 15 lacerations on Goree’s head and that “his skull was crushed.”
The Argus stated that according to their witnesses, Goree then appeared to lose consciousness, at which time Bennett dismissed Schuchmann back to the patrol car and proceeded to shoot Goree’s prone, unconscious body twice.
While the coroner’s just obviously and basically dismissed Gauldin’s and Henry’s accounts out of hand, the pair’s statements paint a much more damning picture of Schuchmann’s role in the murder.
That is especially galling given that exactly why Schuchmann was accompanying Bennett isn’t clear. He was just shy of his 18th birthday and, evidently, not connected with the Constable’s Office or law enforcement in any discernable way, or at least not at that point. He apparently did, in fact, become a deputy St. Louis County deputy constable, which was his listed occupation on his death certificate a little more than three years later.
Charles Schuchmann’s death certificate
In fact, Schuchmann was a deputy for the St. Ferdinand Township constable’s office, a position you would think would require a decent knowledge of firearm safety, but apparently Schuchmann missed that day of training because he appears to have been quite careless in the incident that killed him.
According to ctestimony from Charles Schuchmann’s younger brother, Jesse Jr., the two brothers, along with a third brother, Phillip, were target practicing with their revolvers near the Schuchmann home in St. Louis County, during which Phil and Jesse placed a bottle on a tree stump and were shooting at it. At some point, Charles approached the stump to examine if a bullet had hit the bottle (it hadn’t), apparently doing so right when Jesse had squeezed off a shot.
Since I don’t own, shoot or know much about guns – I think the last time I used a firearm was 40-ish years ago at the rifle ranch at Boy Scout summer camp (I enjoyed archery a lot more than those stupid rifles) – I’ll quote directly from the account in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat of Oct. 4, 1928:
“As [Charles] spoke and before he had time to move away, the pistol which Jesse held was discharged and the bullet struck Charles in the mouth. Jesse said he was not aware that an automatic pistol was self-cocked and had not realized he was pressing on the trigger.”
Charles was rushed to a hospital but was DOA – he was 21 years old – and Jesse was held on bond for an inquest the following day. The 24-year-old Jesse was cleared of any guilt when the coroner’s jury ruled the shooting an accident.
Charles was buried in St. Ferdinand Cemetery in Florissant, a suburb in St. Louis County. His death certificate listed a date of death as Oct. 3, 1928, and gave the cause of death as “gun-shot wound in head … unavoidable accident.” It might not have been avoidable, but it does seem like it was careless, at least more so than what a law-enforcement officer would display.
So, again, whether what happened to Clarence Bennett and Charles Schuchmann, respectively, was a matter of karma or simple coincidence probably depends on each reader’s more existential beliefs in how life operates. Do you think they were cases of poetic justice or just coincidence?