Guest essay: Time for the Hall to catch up

By Ted Knorr

“In small cities and small towns across the country, there were other teams and other stars that may have been the greatest of the century, but whose deeds would live only in the memory of those who saw them play. Over the years, Black baseball stars played against White Major League stars at least 438 times in off-season exhibition games. The Whites won 129 of those postseason games. The Blacks won 309 (70.5 percent).”

Baseball, 5th Inning, Shadow Ball, Ken Burns, 1994

Appendix II of “The Negro Leagues were Major Leagues,” edited by Todd Peterson, pp. 214-226, lists 503 games, dates and opponents, depicting games between Negro League teams and Major League teams. Negro League teams won 268 (54.6 percent), while losing 222, with 13 ties.

In addition to Burns and Peterson, I have seen compilations by historians William McNeil (69.8 percent in the California Winter League) and John Holway (57.1 percent), and researchers Scott Simkus (52.7 percent) and bench5 (54.5 percent). Every one of them finds the “so-called” Negro League teams holding their own (winning as often as losing) against “so-called” Major League teams.

Ted Knorr

Comparable results are reported from both my interpretation of Seamheads Negro League Database (where 67 Negro League pitchers won 54.1 percent of their decisions against teams made up of Major League players) and Retrosheet’s Database (58.0 percent), with both showing an edge to the Negro League teams.

I have never seen a compilation showing the Negro League teams losing more than they win. While each of these compilations have their own circumstances (such as the California Winter League usually featuring one Black team and three or four White teams, meaning the White talent was diluted; and the Ken Burns compilation is admittedly culled from oral history with few if any box scores.), my claim is unquestionably supported by these compilations and that is that the record shows “so called” Negro League teams held their own against “so called” Major League teams.

Further factual evidence supporting my claim is provided with the following data:

Major League and Negro League Regular Season slash lines 1920-1948                    

                          AVG    OBP    SLG    OPS                

Major League    .275     .340     .388     .728              

Negro League    .270     .331     .372     .703    

The 29-season slash lines on both sides of the color line are virtually identical. (Sources: “The Negro Leagues were Major Leagues,” p. 19, edited by Todd Peterson, McFarland & Company, 2020. Major League data is from baseball-reference.com. Negro League data is from Seamheads.com, NL/RAG, and the Center for Negro League Baseball Research.)

In concert with the compilations of games between Negro League and Major League and the regular season data over 29 years being identical, the argument – accepted by Major League Baseball on Dec 16, 2020 – that the Negro Leagues were (indeed) Major Leagues has now been accepted by those who matter and by a growing number of informed baseball writers, researchers and fans.

This editorial celebrates that December 2020 decision and advocates for a positive, logical and similar decision by the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum, a 501(c)(3) educational institution with the responsibility of educating the populace on the history of the National Pastime. In the next issue of Shadow Ball, I hope to be more specific in my “advice” for the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum. Here are some points for your pondering over the next couple of weeks …

The National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum has done spectacular work in telling the history (and quality) of the Negro Leagues in a compelling fashion (as noticed, in my view, by most everyone but themselves).

For example, in 2021, they reinstalled a procedure, flawed but at least it is an improvement, once again providing the possibility by which Negro League players, executives, managers and umpires could be elected and, in 2022, for the first time since 2006, successfully inducted two “executives,” Buck O’Neil and Bud Fowler.

Then, in 2022, the Museum launched a Black Baseball Initiative, which involved partnering with Major League Baseball, the Major League Baseball Players Association, the Negro League Baseball Museum, the Jackie Robinson Foundation and others.

The Hall of Fame’s “Keep Swinging” statue.

In addition, in 2024, the Hall erected a new Hank Aaron statue entitled “Keep Swinging,” and the new exhibit “The Souls of the Game: Voices of Black Baseball” was installed. The integration of Black baseball accomplishments into existing exhibits throughout the museum was instituted, and the Hall established an interactive youth activity “We Play” involving K-4 students in baseball history. The institution also celebrated the Negro Leagues East-West Classic by, in collaboration with Dr. Gerald Early the Hall, publishing a book on it. Finally, the Hall invited the Society for American Baseball Research’s Negro League Committee to convene its annual research conference in the Hall.

This litany of achievements tells us that the Hall’s heart is in the right place.

That is, its in the right place in every corner of the museum except for its “namesake” Hall of Fame plaque gallery, which had honored 29 Negro League players by 2006 but now includes only 28 (Frank Grant’s role having been inexplicably reassigned from player to executive). And, currently, no new Negro League candidates are even eligible until the December 2027 election. 

Moreover, only 17 percent of all Hall of Fame players debuting under segregation in that gallery are Negro Leaguers. That contrasts starkly with the parallel fact that just more than 45 percent are players of color (i.e. Negro Leaguers) among players debuting since April 15, 1947. It is time for the Hall of Fame to match achievements with the rest of the museum.

The Hall of Fame.

My recommendation to the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum is to induct additional Negro League players to the Hall of Fame. I recommend that we once again be focused on the 20 remaining Negro League players, executives and managers on the 2006 ballot, plus Vic Harris.

There is no need to wait until December 2027 – an election should be held in December 2026 with a qualified, expert panel, as was done in 2006, with a segregated Negro Leaguers-only ballot and an up/down vote on all 21 personages and no limit on the number of affirmative votes case by each voter.

If that’s enacted, I can guarantee a great step will have been taken by the Hall, and its mission will have been furthered immensely in keeping with the Black Baseball Initiative begun in 2022.

Dear deaders, if you agree with my recommendation, please let the Hall of Fame know. It has been long demonstrated that they will not advance without a gentle nudge every now and then. Let them know 28 Negro League players is not enough. They can be reached at:

National Baseball Hall of Fame & Museum, 25 Main St. Cooperstown, NY 13326. They can also be emailed at info@baseballhall.org.

Editor’s note: This essay originally appeared on The Truth Seekers Journal, www.truthseekersjournal.com, on May 26, 2026.

The Jackie Robinson of Hockey loved baseball, too

Living in New Orleans, it’s tough to follow hockey, a sport I love but that 1) people here in Deep South Louisiana don’t give two hoots about, and 2) has no NHL teams for 500 miles. In addition, my favorite NHL team, the Islanders – I came of age during the glory days of Bossy, Trottier, Smith and Potvin – has finished each of the past two regular seasons with such horrible slumps that they played their way right out of qualifying for the playoffs.

However, I attempt to keep track of the sport here and there, and the Stanley Cup finals between the Carolina Hurricanes and Vegas Golden Knights begins tonight.

In addition, I recently read “Willie,” an autobiography by Willie O’Ree, the Jackie Robinson of hockey who broke the NHL color barrier when he stepped onto the ice for the Boston Bruins on Jan. 18, 1958, nearly 11 years after Jackie made history as a Brooklyn Dodger

Many people might already know tht O’Ree broke the color barrier in the NHL, but fewer might know that he also passionately loved another sport while growing up in Fredericton, New Brunswick – baseball.

O’Ree wrote that there are parallels in the skills required for each sport.

“I played shortstop and second base,” he wrote in his book, “because I liked to be in the hot spots – just as I played forward in hockey because I wanted to be up there in the other team’s zone, putting the puck in the net, getting in the goalie’s face, tussling with the opposing defensemen who were trying to get me out of there. I liked the action, and if you play shortstop or second base, you’re right in the middle of it.”

In addition, he stated that “[a]s a shortstop, you have to be fast – able to blast from a standing start forward or laterally,” talents that are also extremely valuable in hockey.

Because O’Ree was an impressionable lad of 11 when Jackie broke the baseball color barrier, and because O’Ree grew up as one of the few Black kids in his hometown of Fredericton, he was quite aware of Robinson and Jackie’s athletic, social and cultural importance. As a result, Willie wrote, Jackie was an inspiration for him from an early age.

O’Ree wrote:

“Phil Watson [a childhood friend of O’Ree] also said I could be ‘the Jackie Robinson of hockey,’ another idea that filled my heart with hope and fueled my ambition. … There’d been Negro League baseball for decades, with some of the best players in the game to be found in their ranks. But they couldn’t break free from those ranks, which held them back just like the chains that had held back their ancestors. …

“Jackie Robinson just played ball, and he was the best. Such was his greatness as a man and as a player that MLB retired his number, 42, across the entire league, forever. The only other time that honor has been given to any player by any major league sport was in 2000, when the NHL retired the jersey of a skinny kid from Brampton, Ontario, by the name of Gretzky.”

Amazingly, a 13-year-old O’Ree actually got to meet Robinson, after the former’s youth baseball team won a local league championship and as such had the opportunity to travel to New York City to catch a Brooklyn Dodgers game in person in 1949.

After seeing some of the big-city sites like the Empire State Building and Radio City Music Hall, the kids from Fredericton headed over to see Dem Bums in action. It turned out to be a life-shaping event for Willie. He wrote:

“Then we crossed over the Brooklyn Bridge to Ebbets Field to watch Robinson work his magic. I don’t remember who they played or even if the Dodgers won that day. All I remember is the greatness of Jackie Robinson. He was fast, he was calm, and his every play was as if he’d invented baseball.

“After the game we gathered in the Dodgers’ dugout and met Robinson himself. He could not have been nicer, asking each of us our name and whether we liked baseball. When my turn came, I told him that I liked baseball a lot but that I liked hockey more. He looked surprised and said that hockey didn’t have any black players. I told him he was looking at one, and that he’d see me make my mark on the game the way he’d made his on baseball.

“Sure, one might think, here’s a kid who doesn’t know anything of the world, dreaming big dreams that’ll just vanish in the ether of adulthood. But I knew I was good.”

But even with his talent for hockey, O’Ree was also quite skilled on the diamond, so much so that at one point before his hockey career really took off, he caught the eye of a couple scouts, who offered him a tryout for the Milwaukee Braves in 1956 in Waycross.

As in Waycross, Ga. As in the Deep South. O’Ree balked at first.

“I knew how black people were treated in the southern United States, so I said, ‘I don’t think so.’

They looked surprised,” he wrote. “They represented a very good team; I should have been flattered and thrilled by their invitation. But it was the first time in my professional sporting life that my skin color made a difference, and the difference was to me. I was very leery of doing anything in the state of Georgia, or in the American South in general. …”

He noted that his family had escaped the Jim Crow South to come to a freer life in Canada, and the prospect of returning didn’t exactly excite him. But why did he go to Waycross despite that?

“Well, because I wanted to be a professional athlete,” he penned. “And here I was, being offered a shot at the big leagues of baseball. Was the benefit greater than the risk? …”

So south he went. He immediately started to regret his decision when he saw the segregated restrooms at the Atlanta airport:

“When I look in the mirror in the morning I don’t see color, I see me. I see a man. But at that very moment, I was endorsing segregation in the American South by walking into the Colored restroom. I didn’t want trouble as soon as I landed. And I had received the message loud and clear: I was very much a second-class person – and to some, not a person at all – in this part of the world. …”

During his first night at a segregated hotel, he stated, “I didn’t sleep too well. I was very uncomfortable with what this place was doing to me. For the first time in my life I was being segregated because of my color. I knew I’d come to the city to test my baseball skills against the best, but I was already getting a strong sense of what the cost of this was going to be to who I was. …”

Then he had to deal with bigotry on the diamond, he wrote:

“During the first three weeks we worked out in the morning and then played games in the afternoon, mostly against teams made up of guys in the camp, but sometimes against other teams training in Georgia. I played shortstop and second base, just as I did back home. The first week was all right. The next week we played an exhibition game and I got a couple of hits, but what was new to me were the racial jeers from the white players, both in the camp and on other teams. I let it go in one ear and out the other, but I’d never experienced anything like that from my hockey player teammates in Canada. …”

It ended up being too much, and hockey began beckoning even more for the 20-year-old. And Willie was good. Really good. Unfortunately, an on-ice injury resulted in him being blinded in one eye, which obviously hampered his rise through the hockey ranks. He managed to keep it a secret for many years, and the fact that he was able to adjust his vision and depth perception so adeptly that he still made it to the NHL is astounding.

But eventually, his secret was discovered, and, even though he could still play at a top level, the Bruins and other NHL teams, somewhat reluctantly, told him that he had no real future in the league with just one eye.

So his stays in the NHL were all too brief, but he still excelled at the minor league level, especially with the San Diego Gulls of Western Hockey League, where he had an All-Star career and saw his number retired by the Gulls.

But although his career in the NHL was brief, it still had a huge impact, both then and now, and for nearly seven decades, he’s been written about and interviewed countless times by countless media outlets, all of which spotlighted his status as a trailblazer and discussed the challenges he faced as well as his many achievements. They also frequently compared him to Jackie.

In late December 1960/early 1961, the Associated Negro Press issued an article cover O’Ree’s first appearance in Chicago as an NHL player as the Bruins faced the Blackhawks, and the article referred to Jackie Robinson when discussing the lad from Fredericton.

“Neither the stadium crowd not the face that he was the lone Negro competitor appeared to bother him, although he must have been conscious that he was the center of attention.

“To the opposing Hawks players and his own white teammates must go the credit for treating him as ‘just another player,’ with none of the animosity that confronted other Negro athletes, such as Jackie Robinson in his early attempts to crack the race barrier in baseball.”

In February 1965, United Press International produced a wire article about O’Ree and how, even though his hockey career certainly had its bumps racially, his experiences with hatred and bigotry paled in comparison to what Jackie endured.

“I’ve been called ‘the Jackie Robinson of hockey,’” O’Ree told the reporter, “but I didn’t have nearly the difficulties that faced Robinson when he broke into organized baseball.

“Jackie had it real rough. He was faced with segregation and playing in the South. I’ve had my differences with players, but they were nothing to compare to what he went through.”

The reporter then wrote, adding: “And O’Ree plays hockey like Jackie Robinson played baseball. He goes in for the hard, aggressive style and many experts consider him the fastest man on skates.”

An Aug. 5, 1979, article in the Boston Globe by Steve Marantz, Milt Schmidt, who was the Bruins’ coach when O’Ree broke in, said that Willie wasn’t affected by any racial abuse he received – at least outwardly.

“He had a good personality for it,” Schmidt told Marantz. “It didn’t take long for him to make friends. He wasn’t real quiet. Somebody could have called him all the names in the world and he could have accepted it. And he had the backing of [his Boston teammates]. I think he felt accepted.”

The Globe article, like many others, almost unavoidably compared Willie to Jackie, with Marantz writing that “O’Ree approached his teammates in much the manner Robinson did with the Dodgers, as an athlete and not a social crusader. …

“But unlike Robinson, O’Ree was apparently less preoccupied with maintaining an imperturbable exterior. He fought when he had to, when every player must, and laughed, which is not required but recommended for minorities of one.”

Ironically, though, while it’s by said by many, many people that so many legendary Negro Leaguers arrived to early, i.e. they played before the integration of organized baseball, he might have also been born a bit too late, in a way.

When he made the NHL in the late 1950s/early ’60s, the NHL only had its “Original Six” teams – the Bruins, the New York Rangers, the Detroit Red Wings, the Chicago Blackhawks, the Montreal Canadiens and the Toronto Maple Leafs. However, the league began massively expanding in 1967, which created many more lasting opportunities for all aspiring pro players.

As a result, Willie told Marantz, “At the time [when he made the NHL], I didn’t know if the NHL was ready for a [B]lack athlete. I think I got a fair shot. I only wish I had been born 10 or 15 years later. I think I could have stuck after expansion.”

In his “Sports of the Times” column from the April 28, 1999, issue of the New York Times, William C. Rhoden wrote that perhaps one big reason that O’Ree’s integration of hockey in January 1958 didn’t have nearly the attention paid to it at the time than Jackie’s did in ’47 was because in 1958, just about every player in the NHL – including O’Ree himself, obviously – was Canadian, from a country where race wasn’t as big a deal. The Black population of Canada was small, and, Rhoden added, “Canadian hockey’s divisions involved English vs. French …”.

Rhoden also wrote that a substantial reason that O’Ree’s stays in the NHL were relatively brief was his bad eye, in addition to racial friction.

Awareness of O’Ree’s impact, especially in historical context to other sports, continued to filter down through hockey’s younger generations, including former Calgary Flames All-Star Jarome Iginla, who was quoted by a January 2008 article in Jet Magazine.

“People ask me if I’ve faced a lot of challenges or discrimination because of my race,” said Iginla, who also wrote the forward to O’Ree’s book. “I haven’t. O’Ree is like the Jackie Robinson of hockey.”

Appropriately enough given his massive impact on hockey, O’Ree has continued to be feted and honored with assorted awards, especially over the last couple decades.

But I’ll wrap up with some quotes from O’Ree in a Jan. 19, 1998, article in the New York Times by Ed Willes. The article was published for the 40th anniversary of his debut with the Bruins; the NHL also honored him at its All-Star Game, and O’Ree was also beginning his new job as director of youth development for the NHL and its USA Diversity Task Force.

Some of Willie’s comments for the article:

  • “I didn’t think of myself as a pioneer or a trailblazer. I was just there playing with the Bruins against the Canadiens. There was no big deal made about it. I was just another player, supposedly.”
  • “I think it’s time. I would have liked to come in 20 years ago, but things happen when they happen. My feeling is that every boy or girl who wants to play hockey should have the opportunity to play.”
  • “There were others who should have been in the NHL. They should have been there. It was only because they were [B]lack. I can see why they’d feel resentful and bitter. Maybe it wasn’t the time. I don’t know.”
  • “When I broke into the National Hockey League, I got it every game and there was nothing done about it. I did a lot of fighting when I started because I had to, not because I wanted to. I wasn’t a great fighter, but I was determined not to let anybody run me out of the league.”
  • “I see these other [B]lack players in the league and I can picture myself out there. It’s a nice feeling. I was very fortunate to be the first, but it’s a better feeling that other players have followed. The line has been continued. Ten years from now there might be 200 [B]lack players in the NHL. It’s a slow process, but sometimes things have a way of working out.”

The John Bissant marker is here!

After many months of discussions, phone calls, emails, visits to the cemetery, blog posts and discussions, the John Bissant grave marker was quietly placed last Monday in Carrollton Cemetery No. 1 in uptown New Orleans! And the latest product of the Negro League Baseball Grave Marker Project looks fantastic!

We’re going to organize a formal dedication ceremony for sometime this summer. Until then, enjoy these photos and check out a few of my previous posts on John Bissant here, here and here. Also, here’s a golden oldie about a previous grave marker effort some of us put together a bunch of years ago for Wesley Barrow in Gretna, La.

Ducky Davenport, where are you? Part 2

Way back in 2015, I posted about the mystery of where New Orleans native and Negro Leagues outfielder Lloyd “Ducky” Davenport is buried — specifically, where his unmarked grave is in Holt Cemetery, New Orleans’ “potter’s field” for “indigent” residents.

I’d never actually been to Holt Cemetery but had always wanted to check it out. Well, I finally did that last week, and I was struck by the tragic beauty of the place. Some sections were pretty well tended, while others were completely overgrown with grass and weeds, with tombstones askew or completely knocked over.

What was truly unique, however, is that apparently families are given a great deal of leeway in terms of marking and decorating their loved ones’ graves, and some of the burial plots are truly astounding and beautiful.

I spent about an hour walking around and taking pictures. Needless to say, there was no sign of Ducky’s grave during my cursory, initial visit. If we ever want to try to obtain and place a marker for him, it would be quite a challenge.

But there could be a model for some type of formal recognition — the large memorial to jazz pioneer Buddy Bolden, who’s also buried in an unknown location in Holt. A picture of the Bolden memorial is below, as are other images I took last week. Ducky Davenport, where are you?

The Ghost plays for the YMCA

Just a quick dispatch today. I found this article in the archives of The Louisiana Weekly Newspaper. It’s from March 13, 1926. It shows none other than the legendary Oliver “Ghost” Marcell signing up to play for a YMCA team in New Orleans! It’s not as far-fetched as it might seem: Marcell was a native of Thibodaux, La. — located about 50 miles southwest of New Orleans — and got his start in top-level baseball in the Big Easy.

What’s particularly interesting about this article is that it says Marcell was “formerly of the Bacharach Giants,” but he was still in the midst of his professional career in the top levels of Black baseball.

Which raises the question of why he was playing for a YMCA, because I’m guessing it wasn’t for the money. …

Images from a fantastic evening at Tulane

Me with the Page family

On April 27, members of the Pelican-Schott chapter of SABR and two Negro Leagues families gathered at Tulane University‘s Turchin Stadium for a “Salute to the Negro Leagues” event at the Green Wave‘s game against UT-San Antonio. The stars of the evening were Rodney Page, son of New Orleans Black baseball impresario Allen Page, and Carlis Wright Robinson, daughter of legendary pitcher and NOLA native Johnny Wright.

The pair brought members of their families to share in the festivities, which included SABR members staffing a table of posters, books, articles, baseball cards and Cracker Jack; Carlis and Rodney throwing out the first pitches after meeting the Green Wave coaches; a special short video by SABR especially made for the event; and information graphics and biographical information about many Negro Leagues legends from New Orleans and the rest of southeastern Louisiana.

Here are a bunch of pictures from the wonderful evening, courtesy of several folks, including Carlis, Pelican-Schott chapter president Richard Cuicchi, WWL-TV and me. Enjoy!

One of the posters designed for the evening.
Carlis and Richard
The two families on Greer Field.
Rodney and Carlis winding up with the first pitches.
Richard and fellow SABR member Derby Gisclair.
Talking with a Tulane player.
Another poster
Rodney and Carlis on the field.
The two families together.

Finding Jack Hannibal

Editor’s note: Today’s post is a guest article by my friend and Negro Leagues research colleague, Alex Painter. It’s an excellent essay about the inimitable multi-sport star Jack Hannibal, and Alex’s search to find Hannibal’s grave and the resulting effort toward placing a marker on the athletic great’s final resting place.

Alex Painter with his wife, Alicia

By Alex Painter

Guest Author

In January 2022 – on Martin Luther King Jr. Day, to be exact – I took the one willing child (Eleanor, aged six at the time) to Crown Hill Cemetery to visit the final resting places of Black baseball players. The pre-Negro National League Indianapolis ABCs – that is, the club as it existed before 1920 – have long held a particular fascination for me. I had come in search of a few ABCs who had also suited up for the 1918 Richmond (IN) Giants, a team I had, by sheer happenstance, “discovered” back in 2019, who played in what is now my home city.

Let me tell you, Crown Hill, situated on the north side of Indianapolis, is an adventure in its own right. At 555 acres, it is the third-largest nongovernmental cemetery in the United States. It stretches across 25 miles of paved roads and holds more than 225,000 burial sites, a number that grows by the day. It’s just enormous. John Dillinger is buried there. Benjamin Harrison, too. James Whitcomb Riley as well. And, scattered among them, a number of Black baseball players.

There were three in particular I was intent on finding: Richmond Giants first baseman George Board, infielder Otis “Cat” Francis, and outfielder Porter Lee Floyd, better known professionally as Jack Hannibal. All three played for both the Giants and early iterations of the ABCs. After wandering more than I’ll dignify with a precise timeline, I discovered all three were buried in unmarked plots. Not entirely surprising but a little disappointing all the same. We also found that two other non-Giant early ABCs (William Prim and Fred Hutchinson) were unmarked as well.

Because of the cold, Eleanor was eventually exiled to the car with The Wizard of Oz on one of those portable DVD players. The temperature hovered in the low 20s, but the wind made a mockery of it – cutting straight through your damn bones. I felt bad toting her along on such a shitty day, though she handled it like a pro, splitting her time between Dorothy and scanning headstones for names. We had a mission, after all, and El knew it.

After we located the plots, we left inscribed baseballs marked with each player’s name, nickname, and birth and death years. I had a brief thought of a lawnmower catching one and sending it hurtling toward a nearby house. I felt a little bad about that too, though not all that much, if I’m being honest, unlikely as that scenario was. In the end, like any taphophile, I found myself wondering how long it had been since anyone had come looking for these guys.

Shortly after, I zipped off a “cold” email to Jeremy Krock of the Negro Leagues Baseball Grave Marker Project (NLGMP). The NLGMP’s mission is “to provide proper grave markers for players of the Negro Leagues to honor their contributions to history and the game of baseball.” The ballplayers needed headstones, so, yeah, it felt like a natural pairing.

Jeremy and I bantered back and forth. He appreciated the Crown Hill intel, which, honestly, felt pretty good. Freezing our asses off? Totally worth it. Then life happened, job change, the usual, and we lost touch for a couple of years. We reconnected in early 2025 about the project, and he mentioned Jack Hannibal was at the top of the NLBGMP list. The iron was still hot. We picked things back up in February 2026. This time, it was happening. The order has been placed and we are expecting an installment of it this summer! We are hopeful to have a small dedication ceremony.

Whoops. I jumped the shark a bit. So, undoubtedly, Jack Hannibal was the one we had gone to the cemetery to see (and when I originally wrote Jeremy, I led with Jack). I had spent a fair amount of time digging into his story the year before, and the more I read, the more interested I became. A classic case. Hannibal, aside from being a gifted outfielder, a strong hitter at the plate, and an occasional pitcher, was only just getting started there. He also starred on the gridiron under the tutelage of one of the greatest linemen in University of Notre Dame football history to that point.

He was also one of Indianapolis’ most prolific figures in the boxing scene for decades. One of his ring nicknames, “The Fighting Poor Boy,” just kind of struck me as absolutely badass. Despite his life in the “noble art of pugilism,” Jack was quiet. Kind. A mentor. Someone who was good to people and loved his city. Now it is time his city remembers him.

***

Let’s start at the beginning. Hannibal was born Porter Lee Floyd in Campbellsville, Ky., on March 20, 1891, to Ruben Floyd and the former Sarah Shively. As he was referred to as “Jack Hannibal” during his lifetime, I will do the same here. His family later moved the roughly 200 miles north to Indianapolis while Porter was still a youngster. Like millions of other Black families at the time, they likely made the move in search of better-paying jobs and a measure of economic stability often out of reach in the rural South.

Ruben passed away sometime before Porter’s 20th birthday, leaving him to assume the role of head of the household at a young age. Before that, Jack had already made a name for himself as a multi-sport athlete at Shortridge High School in Indianapolis.

Let’s start with boxing. Listen, I know we are big baseball fans, but boxing was Jack’s most prolific sport.

According to his obituary, Hannibal would ultimately spar 100 times in the ring, allegedly losing only five matches. In a twist of delicious serendipity, the first recorded fight in which a “Jack Hannibal” appears on the card – a six-round preliminary bout on Dec. 4, 1911, against fellow local welterweight Kid Watkins – also happened to be the debut fight of Roy Charleston, the older brother of Negro Leagues luminary Oscar Charleston.

For what it’s worth, Hannibal easily defeated Watkins, and Charleston made a “great showing in the no-decision” against Ash, according to the Dec. 5, 1911, issue of the Indianapolis Star.

Not for nothing – Charleston, Hannibal, and longtime Negro Leagues pitcher Bill Holland all spent time living on Yandes Street in Indianapolis.

Anyway, by 1913, Hannibal was crowned the middleweight champion of Indianapolis – even getting his picture printed in the Jan. 4, 1913, issue of the Indianapolis Recorder to celebrate the triumph (below).

His boxing career lasted into 1930 (his obituary later listed 1928, but his final fight appears to have come in October 1930). None loomed larger than his Aug. 29, 1921, bout with Jack Blackburn in Muncie, Ind. Blackburn, a near-constant contender across multiple weight classes, was a nationally known fighter with a career spanning more than two decades.

For Hannibal, it was a tough draw. He reportedly took the fight to Blackburn through the first two rounds, but a crushing right hand to the jaw in the third sent him to the mat for the night, and Blackburn was declared the victor.

Blackburn would later gain even greater renown as the trainer of Joe Louis, the “Brown Bomber,” from 1934 until Blackburn’s death in 1942. In 1938, an estimated 100 million people tuned in via radio to hear Louis dismantle the German Max Schmeling – a fight with heavy racial and ethnic implications.

Hannibal trained young boxers and officiated matches up until his death. Not for nothing, one of his stablemates throughout the 1910s and 1920s was Jack ‘The Hoosier Bearcat’ Dillon, a former World Light Heavyweight Champion.

************

Now, football. In addition to boxing, Hannibal also starred on the gridiron, most notably as a guard and right tackle for the Indianapolis-based semipro J.J.C. team, which was owned by Indianapolis sportsman Joe J. Canning. The club captured independent state championships in both 1925 and 1926.

The team was coached by Al Feeney, who played center alongside the famed Knute Rockne at the University of Notre Dame from 1910 to 1913. College football historians may recall that it was the 1913 Notre Dame team that helped revolutionize the forward pass, then a seldom-used tactic. Feeney snapped the ball to quarterback Gus Dorais, who lofted it to receivers Rockne and others.

Feeney also coached Negro Leaguer Connie Day during his high school football days at Greenfield High School in Greenfield, and later became Indianapolis’s first Catholic mayor, serving from 1948 until his death in 1950.

The J.J.C. team was clearly talented and well-coached. But just how good was Hannibal? Apparently talented enough to be the only man of color on the championship team (pictured fourth from right below). His obituary confirmed that he was indeed “the only Negro player” on the team.

So, in the midst of everything else, Jack was also a fantastic baseball player. 

A fleet-footed outfielder who could spray the ball to all parts of the yard, he appears to have broken in with the all-Black Indianapolis ABCs in 1913, then owned by white bail bondsman Thomas Bowser. He bounced the next year to the Louisville White Sox, owned by Hall of Fame player, executive and Negro National League founder Rube Foster. Then, 1915 was spent with the French Lick Plutos. By 1916, he was suiting up once more for Bowser’s ABCs. 

By the outbreak of World War I, Jack and his wife Hazel had four children. In addition to bringing in money from baseball and boxing, he also worked at an Indianapolis bottling factory. Jack and Hazel would ultimately have nine children.

In 1918, he suited up for the aforementioned Richmond Giants of Richmond, Ind. Though he mostly played right field, he also twirled seven scoreless innings in a 6–0 win over the Piqua (OH) Coca-Colas on Aug. 25.

On Labor Day weekend that year, Hannibal played a doubleheader with the Giants in the afternoon, then participated in a boxing exhibition in Richmond that evening. The Giants won one and tied the other (a notable day, as pitcher Bill Holland made his debut as a teenager), and, of course, Hannibal won his boxing match. Quite a day, indeed.

To further underscore his baseball career, particularly against top competition, Seamheads – of course the premier Negro Leagues database – credits him with a .435 batting average (30-for-69) in games against qualified opponents, meaning some of the best competition he would have faced. 

It is, admittedly, a small sample size. Still, no player in the database with at least 60 at-bats has recorded a higher average than Hannibal’s .435 mark. Zero. Who would have thought?

After his playing career ended, Jack transitioned seamlessly into managing, training and mentoring. He took a job as a janitor but remained deeply involved in sports, training fighters and organizing and coaching baseball teams. His managerial stops included the Indianapolis Cubs (1931), the Lincoln Highways (1932), the Indianapolis ABCs (1935), and the Richmond Lincoln Giants (1940).

He also etched out quite a reputation as an umpire. During a 1937 Negro American League game between the Indianapolis Athletics (managed by Ted Strong) and the St. Louis Stars (managed by Dizzy Dismukes), Jack was tabbed as umpire. The Indianapolis Recorder shared that “Jack Hannibal, an old familiar figure in the sports world, has proven himself an umpire equal to any of any race.”

On Aug. 20, 1948, tragedy struck the Hannibal family when Jack’s 25-year-old daughter Helen was tragically murdered by her husband. She left behind two children, ages three and 20 months old.

Just one year after his daughter’s death, Jack Hannibal died of a heart attack on Aug. 24, 1949. He was just 58 years old.

Six years after his death, Hannibal (and his son Leo, who also suited up in Black baseball and basketball) were selected to the all-Indianapolis Black baseball second team in a poll held by Indianapolis Recorder sportswriter Tiny Baldwin – himself a mainstay on the city’s diamonds. Jack was selected as a manager and Leo as a pitcher. Baldwin, in the Aug. 20, 1955, issue, fondly remembered Hannibal:

“Jack Hannibal was a quiet man, who always managed to talk at the right time, and only the right time. Jack put each player on a high pedestal and made him feel he was on top of the world, and that way gave the players that little extra something which made each give his everything every time he strode onto the diamond. His famous words were: ‘Every time I get out of Indianapolis, I like Indianapolis that much more.’”

And now, Indianapolis can remember him just the same.

Alex Painter is a writer, researcher and podcaster based in Richmond, Ind. Born and raised in Fort Wayne, he has called Richmond home for more than 15 years. He studied American history and politics at Earlham College and later earned a master’s degree in management and leadership.

Painter is passionate about the art of storytelling, particularly exploring the intersection of baseball and broader social movements in American history. His work often places the game within defining historical moments, using sports as a lens to better understand culture, community and change. He is the author of four books, including a local history of Richmond told through the rich legacy of Negro Leagues baseball in the city.

Among his proudest discoveries is uncovering the story of the 1918 Richmond Giants, the team for which Jack Hannibal once suited up. Inspired by that history, Painter has spent the past four years coaching a local little league team named the Richmond Giants — carrying the legacy forward for a new generation.

New book chronicles tragic deaths in Black baseball

Author Chris Jensen with a poster showing his new book.

Editors note: My friend and colleague, Chris Jensen, recently had published his comprehensive and moving new book, Tragedy in Black Baseball: Early Deaths of 136 Negro Leaguers, 1871-1950, through McFarland Publishing. I highly recommend checking it out; it’s extremely engrossing, empathetic and a little saddening, and it shines lights on dozens of noble, hard-working, talented people whose deaths, like many of their lives, have been overlooked, obscured or even erased from previous history books. The following is a lightly edited, email interview I recently conducted with Chris about his book and the process of researching and writing it.

RW: What was the genesis of this book? Why did you decide to write about this subject?

CJ: During the five years I spent researching and writing my first book, Baseball State by State (which came out in 2012), I kept coming across Negro Leaguers who died too young under tragic circumstances. I tend to get interested and then obsessed when I see patterns. Each time I encountered another tragic death I would copy the material into a Word document, building up a nice folder of intriguing information.

With basic details fleshed out for about 40 player deaths, I realized I had enough material to turn into a book project. Dave Wyatt’s “Death in the Game” article in the Feb. 24, 1917, edition of the Indianapolis Freeman listing 38 Black players who had died in the previous decade was a puzzle that begged to be tackled. I tried to identify who these 38 players were and what happened to them.

I was only able to flesh out the details for 20 of the players Wyatt mentioned – 15 of them made it to the final cut for the book. Then I set out to turn over every rock in my research to determine how many Negro League players died early, tragic deaths. In the end, my research uncovered nearly 200, although details were frustratingly elusive for some of the player deaths.

I decided to write about this subject because I wanted to put these Negro Leaguers’ life stories in the history books and give them greater recognition for their career achievements. Negro League players were deprived of the right to play in the major leagues for too many years, so that alone bothered me. To discover so many Negro Leaguers died young under suspicious circumstances, without any justice served, bothered me immensely. I wanted to make sure their stories got told and passed on to future generations of baseball fans, because these forgotten stars had already been deprived of so much. 

RW: For some, the subject of tragic, early deaths might seem a little dark, but why do you feel it’s important to highlight the fact that so many pre-integration African-American players died so young?

CJ: Many Negro League players, and especially pre-Negro League players, lived and died in anonymity. Some of their greatest feats on the baseball diamond are lost to posterity. African-American players were forced to play in a shadow league due to racial discrimination. They didn’t play for glory or recognition, but that doesn’t mean their stories are less deserving to be told. They are to be saluted, respected and appreciated for their talents, with some measure of dignity that was not provided to them during their lives.

I’m especially proud that my book calls attention to the outstanding work being done by Jeremy Krock with his Negro Leagues Baseball Grave Marker Project. What Jeremy and his group of volunteers have done over the past 20-plus years to bring lasting recognition and restore dignity to long-forgotten Negro League players is truly inspiring.

RW: Why do you think there are so many examples of such tragic passings in the world of Black baseball? Are there any economic, social or cultural factors that might cause such a situation?

CJ: For Negro Leaguers diagnosed with cancer, heart disease, influenza or tuberculosis – just to name a few examples – lack of access to quality health care limited their chances of getting successfully treated. Hospitals were segregated, and the medical profession determined that African Americans were an inferior race and therefore didn’t deserve top-notch care. In 1877, state governments began passing Jim Crow laws to deny equal rights to African Americans, which made all aspects of everyday life more difficult. The Great Migration to northern states created a housing strain and exposed Blacks to new stresses and an environment in which alcohol was more readily available and used to cope with these stresses. Alcoholism was a contributing factor in several of the tragic deaths featured in my book. Race riots in Chicago and other cities bred fear and uncertainty, while Negro Leaguers like Fred Goree learned the danger of traveling through sundown towns.

The Great Depression caused extra financial devastation to Black communities and placed ongoing hardships on Black teams, leagues and players. The only Negro League franchises that remained profitable were those run by men engaged in illegal gambling and bootlegging. Several of the player deaths were directly attributed to bootlegging. While whites also faced financial devastation, their 25-30 percent unemployment rate during the Depression was not as severe as the 50-plus percent unemployment rate for Blacks. With white workers forcing minorities out of lower-paying jobs, Black families no longer had disposable income to spend attending baseball games, and the lack of financial resources placed enormous strain on Negro Leaguers wondering where their next paycheck was coming from. Black teams were forced to travel long distances to play games, which had unintended negative consequences. Porter Moss, Smoky Owens and Buster Brown all died tragically as the result of a chain of events that started with their team bus breaking down.

There has been one Negro League player lynched (James Bowens), one threatened with lynching (Bud Scipio) and one executed (Jim Moss). More than 20 Negro Leaguers were murdered with little or no justice meted out to punish the perpetrator. The same cannot be said of white major leaguers during the segregation era.

RW: What were your biggest challenges writing this book?

CJ: Fleshing out the biographical information proved challenging for some of the players. Census records didn’t always jive with birth records, death certificates and military draft registration cards. Newspaper reporting on Black baseball teams was spotty, with names misspelled, game accounts lacking and details on player deaths wildly inaccurate. Also, it was upsetting to see so much overtly racist coverage in newspapers, especially in the pre-Negro Leagues era.

RW: Are you pleased with how the book turned out?

CJ: I love how the cover turned out, which features illustrations by Nick Wilson of Josh Gibson, Rap Dixon and John Merida. Overall, I am very pleased with the book’s content but wish I didn’t have to leave out so many players who died too young under tragic circumstances. I was given a word limit by my publisher, so featuring more players would’ve meant writing a lot less about each one.

The Negro Leagues were on a downward spiral once Jackie Robinson broke the color barrier in 1947, so it made sense to cut things off at 1949. That resulted in leaving out the stories of 20-plus Negro Leaguers who died tragically from the 1950s into the 1980s. It was disappointing to not be able to tell the stories of Phil Cockrell, Charlie Peete, Luke Easter, Hank Thompson, Sam Bankhead and others.

RW: Finally, which deaths that you touched on in this book were the most tragic or unexpected? Were there any particular cases that spoke to you?

CJ: I’d like to say all the player deaths spoke to me, but the reality is that some deaths were just unfortunate. Tuberculosis killed lots of people in the early 1900s and not just Black baseball players. I’ll mention just a few of the cases that made a big impact on me. 

Octavius Catto was the Martin Luther King Jr. of the 19th century, a true civil rights icon but also a legitimate baseball pioneer with the Pythian Base Ball Club of Philadelphia. He helped form the National Equal Rights League with Frederick Douglass and rallied support to pass the Thirteenth Amendment abolishing slavery. Catto was instrumental in getting Pennsylvania to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment granting Blacks the right to vote. So, it was deeply ironic and tragic that Catto was assassinated on Election Day in 1871, the first year Blacks could vote. It was surprising and disturbing to learn that when “A Quest for Parity: The Octavius V. Catto Memorial” was unveiled outside Philadelphia City Hall in 2017, it was the first of 1,700-plus statues in the city to honor an African-American individual.

James Bowens is one of 4,743 people to be lynched in America and the only professional baseball player. The mob that lynched Bowens in Frederick, Md., in 1895 was stirred up by sensational but untrue accounts in the local newspaper. Bowens, who professed his innocence to the end, was killed in an unbelievably cruel and inhumane way with no due process. He was dead before his alleged victim was alert and properly able to identify her attacker.  

What is most disturbing about Fred Goree’s 1925 death is that it took nearly a century for his descendants to learn the true details of his death. Goree, the manager and possible owner of the Chicago Independent Giants, was savagely beaten and then shot to death by a police officer who had pulled him over for alleged speeding, in a clear case of racial profiling. It was cold-blooded murder with multiple witnesses. White newspapers, none of whom spelled Goree’s name correctly, portrayed him as the instigator who left the cop no choice but to defend himself. The St. Louis Argus newspaper, representing the African-American community, told the real story of the shooting based on eyewitnesses who were in the car with Goree. The details of Goree’s death and the sham trial that exonerated his murderer got clouded over as the years went by, and family members didn’t see the Argus article until 2016. 

Jeremy Krock was moved to action by Goree’s story and ensured he had a proper grave marker. And you, Ryan, are among the journalists who have called attention to Goree’s tragic killing. It takes a village of researchers and historians to ensure stories of Black baseball are told accurately and with historical context. I’m pleased to be part of that process.

The tragic death of Porter Moss is another important one that has not been told accurately in print until my book came out. It was long believed that Moss died at age 34 in 1944 of a gunshot wound on a passenger train in Tennessee, a situation that culminated with a white doctor boarding the train and refusing to treat Moss because of the color of his skin. That version of the story was backed up by teammate Verdell Mathis in a 1993 interview with the Cincinnati Enquirer. That’s a pretty big accusation and numerous podcasts, articles and even doctoral dissertations have condemned the inhumane actions of the white doctor over the years. 

Except that’s not what happened. SABR researchers Russ Speiller and Gary Cieradkowski unearthed a July 21, 1944, article in the Atlanta Daily World (an African-American newspaper) that states the white doctor gave Moss an injection (perhaps morphine for pain) and told his friends to take him to the next station where an ambulance would be waiting to treat him. Moss needed more medical attention than a doctor with a black bag could provide in the baggage room of a train. It was not discrimination or malfeasance that sealed his fate, but being in the wrong place at the wrong time. 

Black baseball players like Catto, Bowens, Goree and Moss demonstrated a resilient spirit and love for the game that transcended the adversity they faced. I hope their stories get told and retold for many years to come with newfound respect for what they endured.

42 for 21 lays down the gauntlet

This is a follow-up from this post a week and a half ago, about a webinar concerning the National Baseball Hall of Fame’s inability and/or unwillingness to allow induction for more Black players from the segregated era.

As has been promoted on this blog and elsewhere, the 42 for 21 Committee has advocated for several years for justice and fairness in the Hall’s selection process, which continues to fail miserably at giving more-than-deserving Negro Leaguers a truly open and equal chance to pass through the hallowed halls of Cooperstown.

Last Wednesday, the committee issued another pointed proposal for the HOF selection process, challenging the Hall to revise its Eras committee system. Here’s the text of that press release:

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

4 March 2026

The 42 for 21 Committee believes that the Hall of Fame needs to restructure its Era Committees to give Negro Leaguers and pre-league Black Baseball players a fair chance at election in the future. If not, their inaction will likely result in excluding additional Segregated Era Black players from being added to the Hall.

The Hall should restructure the Classic Era Committee into two committees, one for players and one for managers, umpires, and executives. There is no reason to lump these together in the Classic Era, especially when the Contemporary Era has separate committees for players and non-players.

The Hall should also limit the time span of the Classic Era to 1950 and earlier, which would be consistent with previous Era Committees. The span of the defunct Early Baseball Era Committee from 2016 to 2021 ended in 1949; prior to that, the 2010 to 2015 Pre-Integration Era Committee span ended in 1946.

Careful analysis of upcoming Classic Era Committee elections shows that Negro Leaguers and their predecessors are probably going to be shut out under current rules. The huge span of the Classic Era – 1871 to 1979 – and the large number of remaining attractive candidates from 1951 to 1979 mean that there will probably be few slots for Negro Leaguers on the ballots. 

That century-long time frame, plus the small number of ballot slots (10), plus rules that restrict committee members to casting only three votes, will create a logjam that will place future Negro League candidates at a severe disadvantage. That logjam will take many years to undo because the Classic Era Committee is scheduled to meet only once every three years.

Exacerbating the problem is that Negro League players and managers/executives/umpires will be competing with each other on the same ballot, and that previous Era Committees have included few members with expertise on the Negro Leagues. 

The combination of the above factors will result in a perfect storm that will sink the chances of deserving Black candidates for the Hall of Fame from the Segregated Era. The Hall of Fame has not been afraid to change the rules for the election of veterans in the past, and it should not be afraid to do so now.

************

The 42 For 21 Committee was founded in 2021 to advocate for “Justice for Negro Leaguers” – especially for more robust consideration of many meritorious but overlooked Black Baseball candidates for the Hall of Fame. The significance of the number 42 is self-evident.

More information at www.42for21.org, including the results of our poll of Negro Leagues experts who nominated 43 well-qualified candidates for renewed consideration by the Hall of Fame’s Classic Era Committee.

So far, there’s been little if any reaction from the Hall of Fame or anyone else with the power or influence to sway the Hall in a positive, just way. But that’s not really surprising. The Hall’s stubborn recalcitrance is nothing new. Neither is our dismay and frustration.

Anyone interested in offering support or assistance, or if they just have any questions, can call Sean Gibson at (412) 589-1906 or Gary Gillette at (313) 614-9006, or email 42for21@gmail.com.

I’ll just close with some comments from Dan D’Addona, the sports editor at the Holland (Mich.) Sentinel, and a devoted and talented Negro Leagues researcher, advocate and fan:

Dan D’Addona with the late Negro Leaguer Ron Teasley.

The Problem with the Era Committee

By Dan D’Addona

While the Era Committees have righted several wrongs and elected some deserving players, the move to having one era span from baseball’s origins to 1979 changed everything and is particularly detrimental to Negro Leagues candidates.

There are just eight finalists on every ballot with voters being allowed to vote for up to three. Numbers-wise it is tough for anyone to get in, but this ballot is spans so long it is worse for Negro Leagues players.

Popular deserving major leaguers like Luis Tiant, Ken Boyer, Thurman Munson and Tommy John have been finalists. If they are again, then you add the top pre-integration candidate Bill Dahlen and that leaves three spots at the most for Negro Leaguers. Cannonball Dick Redding, John Donaldson, Vic Harris and Grant “Home Run” Johnson have been finalists in this format.

So how are voters, who are Hall of Fame players as well as executives and a couple of media members and two Negro Leagues historians, supposed to come to a consensus on there?

Luis Tiant or Cannonball Dick Redding? Bill Dahlen or Home Run Johnson? Tommy John or John Donaldson?

It will be tough for any candidate to get 75 percent, but it will require the Negro Leagues historians to educate the committee and likely narrow in on one candidate at a time.That would lead to, say, the election of Luis Tiant and Cannonball Dick Redding.

But even that would take the right education, the right people and the right timing on the Era Committee.

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Negro Leagues Night at Tulane!

Got some more news, this time from here in New Orleans …

On Saturday, April 25 at 6:30, the SABR Schott-Pelican New Orleans chapter will co-host with Tulane University a “Salute to the Negro Leagues” Night at Tulane’s Turchin Stadium during the Green Wave baseball team’s conference game against UTSA.

We didn’t let the city’s sad lack of a professional baseball team deter our SABR chapter from finding an event at which we could celebrate the legacy of the Negro Leagues here in New Orleans. Representatives from the chapter approached Tulane officials late last year with the idea, and the Green Wave folks heartily agreed to do it.

The night will include the attendance of multiple family members of various New Orleans greats, and many of those Big Easy Negro Leagues legends – such as Johnny Wright, John Bissant, Allen Page, Lloyd Davenport, Herb Simpson and Oliver Marcell – will be recognized during the game.

There’ll be a poster giveaway for fans, and our SABR chapter will have a table set up where fans can purchase baseball books, read articles by local writers, and learn about SABR membership and benefits.

We’ll have more details the closer the game gets, but for now, if anyone has any questions, they email rcuicchi@aol.com or rwhirty218@gmail.com.

Hope to see y’all there!